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1 



OUR 



ext Republic, 



BY 



1/ 

SAMUEL CROCKER. 



,iAR 3 1887 

CALDWELL, KANSAS: 

ZFTTIBIjISSIEIS b-y - the atthoe. 



Printed by A\"iu. C. Gage & Son, Battle Creek. Mich, 



1887. 



NOTICE. 



This book will be sent by mail to any address on receipt 

of 50 cents. The author of this work has also published two 

books on the labor question, one of which is entitled, The 

Power of Labor, The Power of Money and the 

Power of Government, and the other, The Political 

Separation of Capital and Labor, either of which will 

be sent to any address on receipt of 25 cents. Parties wishing 

to buy any of these books by the hundred, five hundred, or 

one thousand lots, should write at once for wholesale prices. 

Address all orders to 

S. CROCKER & CO., 

I .\ ell, Kan 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1885, 

By SAMUEL CROCKER, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. 

All rights reserved, 



,^*eA3*. tfMf 4 -< 



DEDIC^¥I0N. 



N grateful remembrance of my adopted 
A country, the Republic of the United States, 
do I affectionately dedicate this book to the 
American people. 

SAMUEL CROCKER. 



doi\ter|t$. 



CHAPTER ONE. 

Page. 

Only in Name what our Government should long 
since have been in Fact and in Principle, - 7 

CHAPTER TWO. 

Federal Fallacies — Evils of the Legislative Dis- 
trict System Exposed — Soulless Slavery — The 
People do not Elect — Fugitive Slave Law — 
Why Slavery was Shot to Death, - - 20 

CHAPTER THREE. 

The Charter Age of Corporate Monopoly — The 
Congressional District — How Conventions are 
Manipulated — Complexion of Congress, - 33 

CHAPTER FOUR. 

The Ever-memorable Year 1884 — Butler, Blaine, 
Cleveland, St. John and Belva Lock wood for 
Presidential Honors — Proportionate Legisla- 
tive Representation Not a New Idea, - 51 

CHAPTER FIVE. 

Reform the Supreme Court — Abolish the Elect- 
oral College — Elect the President for only 
One Term of Office — Take away the Yeto, 
Appointing and Pardoning Power, - 67 



COX TENTS. o 

CHAPTER SIX. 

Page. 
Universal Suffrage — The Ballot a Sacred Birth- 
right — Abolish the Senate and Congress — A 
National Legislative Assembly, and Men and 
Women for Law-makers, - - - - 78 

CHAPTER SEVEN. 

Mode of Election — Diagram Ballots — Legisla- 
tors Numerically Sleeted — Effect of Propor- 
tionate Legislative Representation — The 
Weak made Strong, Man Better, Woman 
No Worse, 89 

CHAPTER EIGHT. 

Power of Money — Law Alone Imparts Mone- 
tary Value — Functions of Money — Paper 
Money Superior to Coin — Articles Used for 
Money — Court Decision — The Patriot, - 105 

CHAPTER NINE. 

Supreme Court — Presidents Elected by Popular 
Vote — All Executives Ineligible for Re-elec- 
tion— Legislators in Perpetual Session — Jeff- 
erson's Political Maxims — Popular Govern- 
ment — Nobility Without a Title and Royalty 
Without a Place, Knocking Loudly at the 
Door of Liberty? - - - - - - 125 






6 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTEE TEN. 

Page. 

Monetary Philosophy — Paper Money Based on 
National Wealth — Coin Without a Basis — 
Paper the Only Thing out of which a Perfect 
Money can be Made — Coin Should be Abol- 
ished — Paper Money Solves Five Important 
Philosophical Problems, - - - 136 

CHAPTER ELEVEN. 

Government Banking, the Post-Office, Postal- 
Telegraph and Telephone — Individual Bank- 
ing an Expensive Failure — Money With or 
Without Interest — The Effect under Federal 
Control, 155 




dt\kptei' Or\e. 



ONLY IN NAME WHAT OUR GOVERNMENT 

SHOULD LONG SINCE HAVE BEEN IN 

FACT AND IN PRINCIPLE. 




[HEN reduced to a thorough political 
analysis, we find that our present 
system of government remains only 
in name what it long since should 
have been made in fact and in prin- 
ciple. It will then be necessary to 
inquire at some length into this deceptive sys- 
tem before attempting to offer anything that 
may seem new or suitable with which to repair 
the breach discovered and exposed. Our 
present republic is a federation of States, it is 
true, bound together into one inseparable union 
by the Constitution, which emanates from the 
States, of this, our federal government, organ- 
ized into three distinct agencies, called the 
Legislative, Judicial and Executive depart- 
ments ; yet it requires more than this mere form 
and imperfect system by which these import- 
ant departments are organized, established, 



8 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

endowed and put into active co-operation, to 
constitute a people's government in the broader 
sense and more full acceptance of the term. 
All national law emanates from the Legislative 
department, called the United States Congress, 
which is divided into a Senate and House of 
Representatives ; the Senate branch of which 
is appointed by the various State Legislatures, 
and the Representative branch of which is 
elected by a portion of the legal voters of each 
Congressional district. Having shown how 
Congress is organized, — not by the people, — 
we will now examine the Judiciary. The con- 
stitutionality of our national law is subject to 
the final decision and supreme judgment of the 
Judicial department, called the Supreme Court 
of the United States, consisting of a Chief Jus- 
tice and eight Associate Justices, created by 
the Senate — not the people. Our national law 
is subject to the execution of the Executive 
department, at the head of which presides the 
President of the United States, or Chief Magis- 
trate of the nation, who is appointed to office 
every four years by the Electoral College, 
which is equal in number to all the United 
States Senators and Congressmen that each 
State is entitled to, during such election. This 
College, however, is elected by a portion of 
the legal voters of such States, resulting in 
majority, plurality, or minority, as the case 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 9 

may be. It requires a majority of all the elect- 
ors of said College to select a President, then 
the United States Congress elects — not the 
people. Having shown the unwise system by 
which the Legislative, Judicial, and Executive 
departments of our Federal government are 
organized, we forbear further criticism until 
the proper time and place affords the writer a 
special opportunity. Members of Congress, 
however, are elected to the lower House for a 
term of two years, and are eligible to re-elec- 
tion. The United States Senators are ap- 
pointed to office for the term of six years, and 
are eligible to re-appointment. The members 
of the Supreme Court are appointed for life, or 
during good behavior. The President of the 
United States is appointed for a term of four 
years, and is eligible to re-appointment. Let 
us now inquire into the exact feature and true 
complexion of our Congress, and ascertain if 
possible the leading characteristic of this dis- 
guised body of law makers, who frame our 
national code, settle our national affairs, treat- 
ies and disputes with all the nations with whom 
we have friendly relations. As we proceed 
with the examination, we find the United 
States Senate largely composed of men identi- 
fied with railroads, land grants, cattle ranches, 
national banks, oil wells, coal fields, gold and 
silver mines, patent rights, telegraphs, tele- 



10 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

phones, trade, manufacture and transportation. 
No farmers, no wage-earners, no mechanics, 
or professionals, aside from the lawyer, yet 
from the latter classes proceed every dollar of 
wealth and every comfort of life enjoyed by 
man, belonging to the endless catalogue of art. 
Our trade, our commerce, our civilization, are 
mainly due to these classes of industry — art, 
science, and literature flourish by them. Then, 
why should they not help make the laws neces- 
sary for a more wholesome government ? They 
toil, they dig, they delve ; while Solomon 
arrayed in all his glory did not so much. This 
examination goes to show and expose, beyond 
doubt, the absolutely corrupt condition of the 
Senate branch of our Congress. The Senate, 
then, to say the least, has descended into an 
oligarchial aristocratic branch of Congress, 
more to be feared, hated and dreaded by the 
laboring classes than the deadly upas by the 
fated victim, since this supreme legislative 
branch represents the millionaire capitalists, 
wealthy tyrants and corporate monopolies of 
abused, robbed, outraged America. While 
such monstrosity of evil ought to be sufficient 
to utterly condemn its final and further exist- 
ence, as a dangerous, monarchical appendage to 
a people's government ; yet, this obnoxious 
feature seems perfectly tame in comparison 
with the power the Senate wields in national 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 11 

law, national affairs and class legislation. 
Though largely in the minority, it controls the 
House of Representatives, slapping the people 
smack in the face whenever personal aggran- 
dizement prompts the action. Although an 
appointed minority, the Senate dictates to the 
majority with that becoming grace that would 
put to shame the most despotic system ever 
invented by the intriguing genius of savage 
man's wildest dream for absolute power — in a 
nation, too, where, unless minority is made the 
extreme exception and majority the rule, must 
fade into oblivion each and every proud, inde- 
pendent, representative feature of popular gov- 
ernment. Numerous are the instances when 
this branch of Congress has defeated legisla- 
tion truly in the interest of a suffering people, 
and as often secured class legislation in the 
interest of vicious corporations, wholly obnox- 
ious to the common people, and to which these 
very Senators were identified parties and 
dividend share-holders. 

It is unnecessary to single out any one of 
them in this particular, since their names have 
become a by-word and reproach, their mon- 
strous acts as odious as the leper to the labor- 
ing, wealth-producing masses of this unguarded 
republic. Nor is it necessary to make a spec- 
ial search to re-produce their acts to verify the 
truthfulness of the assertion, farther than to 



12 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

quietly refer the reader to the forfeit land grant 
bills of the last (48th) session of Congress, 
under the Republican rule. The House, it will 
be remembered, reported bills favorable to the 
forfeiture of more than seventy million acres 
of unearned railroad lands, which were sent to 
the Senate for ratification, but, as would be 
naturally presumed, were smothered to death 
in the hands of the common enemy. What 
else could have been expected, since these very 
appointed Senators were partners to the steal ? 
"O, consistency, thou art a jewel" — never 
found with such a body. Instance the Credit 
Mobilier "Union Pacific" railroad swindle, the 
mutilation Legal Tender Act — the cancer-eat- 
ing u Bond " acts — the fraudulent, unconstitu- 
tional "National Banking" act — the robbing, 
value-shrinking "Contraction" act — the dis- 
honest, sneaking " Bond Tax Exemption " act 
— the plundering, public domain " Railroad 
Land Grants " — the highwayman " Credit 
Strengthening" act — the disgraceful "Salary- 
Grab" act — and the piratic " Protective Tariff'' 
acts, none of which could have been legally 
established without the concurrence of the 
United States Senate. 

Behold, then, the unlimited influence of this 
supreme branch of Congress, wielding vastly 
more power than the House of Representa- 
tives ; for, should the House pass a bill by two- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 13 

thirds majority, the usurping, despotic, un- 
democratic, un-republican, un-representative, 
anti-people's — un-American appointed Senate 
can defeat the bill becoming a law, however 
essential. No supreme legislation can ever 
bless the suffering people if obnoxious to this 
barbaric Senate and relic of the dark and feu- 
dal ages. However much the people may wish 
to amend their federal constitution, their 
wishes cannot be gratified without consent of 
this appointed Senate branch of Congress, 
unless favored by two-thirds of the Legislatures 
of the various States ; and while this is true and 
disgusting, yet, this same appointed Senate 
" have the sole power to try all impeach- 
ments," confirm all the appointments of 
" ambassadors, other public ministers and con- 
suls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other 
officers of the United States, whose appoint- 
ments are not herein otherwise provided for, 
and which shall be established by law." Of 
right, under a people's government, such power 
as this would be unsafe in the hands of any 
branch of the federal government, aside from a 
supreme legislative body chosen under univer- 
sal suffrage direct by the people on the true 
basis of proportionate legislative representa- 
tion. But, to the contrary, the United States 
Senate is appointed by the various State legis- 
latures, elected by a portion of the legal voters 



14 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

of each Senatorial and Representative district 
of the respective States. The State assemblies 
which infuse life into the United States Senate, 
are by no means representative of the people, 
nor can they be such until legislative district 
lines are struck down and a uniform legislative 
basis established on the principle of a specific 
number of legal voters constituting proportion- 
ate legislative representation, which system 
we will more fully explain at greater length 
further on. 

In the true sense of a people's government, 
we cannot view the United States Senate in 
any other light than a useless, worthless, 
foreign appendage to representative govern- 
ment, and, in consequence of all these bad 
features, it should no longer remain to menace 
the suffering people, impede legislative pro- 
gress and reform, stultify a higher and nobler 
civilization, and hazard destruction by blotting 
out of existence every sacred vestige of popu- 
lar government. Annul the Senate ! Blot it 
from existence, that the people may govern by 
vesting supreme power in the hands of their 
Representatives. However incapable, disa- 
greeable, dishonest, malfeasant and obnoxious 
a public servant of our federal government may 
be to the people and official departments, yet, 
unless the Senate chooses to try the misde- 
meanor, there is no way to get rid of that unfi 



; 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 15 

official, however guilty of crime against his 
government. That relates to the trial for 
impeachment, as the Senate sits only in judg- 
ment, "and shall have the sole power of 
impeachment." Should it remain longer a 
wonder, then, to the tax-paying people of this 
republic, why it is that so many dishonest 
officials escape punishment, when we take into 
consideration the power of the Senate to 
appoint them to office, and remove them at 
will? Let us inquire at still greater length 
into other hidden features of this corrupt Sen- 
ate. Philosophy teaches that " a corrupt body 
cannot give birth to a pure offspring." Then 
the United States Senate cannot be of a higher 
political type than the parent of its existence ; 
nor can the parent that gives birth to the Sen- 
ate be of a higher type than its political pre- 
decessor. Then we might inquire : " Of what 
origin was the party predecessor?" And 
frankly answer : "Of no better origin than the 
society from whence it sprang into existence 
as a party." Then, if political philosophy be 
true, each party must produce its own scholars, 
orators, politicians, jurists and statesmen. In 
which event, we cannot hope to have a better, 
brighter, wiser or more pure specimen than the 
party. Society is either advancing or declin- 
ing, and, as the case may be, must bring this 
necessary evil, called party, into existence. 



16 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

"The Senate of the United States shall be 
composed of two Senators from each State, 
chosen by the Legislature thereof for six years, 
and each Senator shall have one vote." (Con- 
stitution of the United States.) The next 
question of importance is : How are the State 
Legislatures organized ? and, of what political 
complexion is that organization, that infuses 
life into the United States Senate ? 

The State Legislatures are organized by 
State Senators and State Representatives, on 
the following anti-republican plan, as instanced 
in Iowa and other States in 1S76. Re it en- 
acted by the General Assembly of Iowa : — 

Section l "That one Representative 

every fourteen thousand one hundred inhab- 
itants in each Representative district is 
hereby declared and constituted the ratio of 
apportionment." 

Senatorial apportionment act. Be it en- 
acted, etc. : 

SECTION i. "That one Senator to fort) 
thousand inhabitants, or fraction thereof, equal 
to one-half in each Senatorial district, i c 
hereby constituted the ratio of apportion- 
ment." 

This ratio of apportionment is a bold frauc 
on its very face, and anti-republican in princi- 
ple, un-American and anti-democratic. In- 
stance these apportionments : " Jefferson 
countv shall be the fourth district and entitled 






OUR AAA"/' REPUBLJi . 17 



to one representative."' (Population 17,127.) 
While Union county, constituting the "four- 
teenth district," with only 8,827 population, 
was ''entitled to. one representative." " War- 
ren count)' shall be the twenty-fifth district and 
entitled to one representative." (Population 
[8,528). While "Ringgold county, constitu- 
ting the fifteenth district," with only 7,546 
population, was "entitled to one representa- 
tive," and so on through the entire list of dis- 
tricts, with but little exception. Here it will 
be plainly seen that unequal representation oc- 
I curs, followed up with momentous fraud, calcu- 
lated to take advantage of the people and cheat 
justice. Here are four districts, two of which 
are not equal in population to one, or the two 
greatest populated districts are equal to five of 
the lesser. Can these representatives, cho 
by such an unequal proportion, be considered 
the people's representatives, in the true sense 
of the term ? The wildest dreamer would not 
be so vague and inconsistent. 

According to this apportionment, one can 
see at a glance how easy it would be to so ar- 
range the State, controlled by two or more 
parties, as to defeat the wishes of the people 
and defraud justice. But this is not the main 
fault when we reflect upon the importance of 
popular government. The manner in which 
these representatives are elected has vastly 



18 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

more to do with defeating the wishes of the 
people than the ill-proportion of district appor- 
tionment. We will presume, as is often the 
case, that there are three or more parties in 
the field with as many candidate representa- 
tives. We will also presume, as is often the 
case, that these parties are very nearly equal 
in number ; say, for illustration, that, in the 
twenty-fifth district, where there are 18,528 
population, the Republican party place a can- 
didate before the people for the State Legis- 
lature; that the Democratic party place a 
candidate before said people ; and, that the 
Greenback party place a candidate before said 
people. A. is the Republican candidate ; B. is 
the Democratic candidate ; and C. is the Green- 
back candidate. A., B. and C. are competitors 
for the office of State Representative, and who- 
ever receives the most votes will be elected a 
member of the State Assembly of that State. 
Observe closely the race made by these three 
candidates, as the parties are almost equal in 
numbers, as there are 6,201 Republican popula- 
tion, or 1,240 legal voters on the ratio of one 
vote to every five of said population; 6,174 
Democratic population, or 1,233 legal voters; 
6,181 Greenback population, or 1,230 legal 
voters. Here it will be seen that A., the Repub- 
lican candidate, is elected member of the State 
Legislature by 7 more votes than B., and by 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 10 

only 10 more votes than C. A., then, is only a 
representative of a very small portion of the 
people of the twenty-fifth district, since he is 
elected by a trifle more than one-third of the 
legal votes cast. It is true, A. is called a rep- 
resentative, said to be elected by plurality, be- 
cause there were three candidates in the field ; 
yet, A. is not a representative of the people in 
the true sense, from the fact that he is chosen 
by the minority, as there were 3,783 legal 
voters in this district, of which number he only 
secured the votes of 1,240. Of the 18,528 pop- 
ulation, A. represents but 6,201. Then, there 
are 12,375 of said population without any rep- 
resentation whatever, or 2,463 enfranchised 
citizens denied representation. The more we 
review, investigate and examine this evil mon- 
ster, the more gigantic, devilish and hydra- 
headed docs it seem when compared to the 
humane, useful, just, wise system, called popu- 
lar government — truly representative in char- 
acter, purely republican in form, and positively 
democratic in principle. 



Cfykptei 4 ¥\vo. 



FEDERAL FALLACIES— EVILS OF THE LEGISLA- 
TIVE DISTRICT SYSTEM EXPOSED— SOULLESS 

SLAVERY THE PEOPLE DO NOT ELECT- 
FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW— WHY SLAVERY 
WAS SHOT TO DEATH. 




ET us now carefully inquire into 
some of the strange influences 
brought to bear upon the innocent, 
unsuspecting people through the 
district legislative system, both 
national and state. Presuming 
that class legislation is desired to 
further private and corporate inter- 
est, which cannot be accomplished unless ad- 
vantage is taken of the people : A certain 
United States Senator, who is known to be a 
willing tool of monopoly, can be had, if the 
State Legislature, which infuses life into the 
Senate branch of Congress, can be manipulated 
in the interest of oppressive monopolies and 
personal aggrandizement. National banking, 
railroad charters accompanied with land grants, 



OCR XEXT REPUBLIC. 21 

high protective tariff to aid and enrich the 
wealthy manufacturers, etc., is the object. 
Well, unless the designing individual, politician 
or corporate monopoly can control the State 
Legislature by controlling these so-called Rep- 
resentative districts, "where mice and men 
gang aft aglee," there would be little or no 
use for such a system by the enemies of popular 
government. 

Here it will be seen that designing individu- 
als, crafty corporations, and pensive politicians 
can lavish money to good advantage to aid 
their ambitious, selfish schemes tending to- 
wards political power and personal aggran- 
dizement. The newspaper is a great public 
educator, a subtle auxiliary for good or for c 
wielding a powerful influence in whatever 
direction the beacon light may guide the ship 
of state. The wily politician, glib-tongued 
orator and serene demagogue, are no less 
powerful, deceptive, artful, cunning and con- 
vincing. The paper, politician, orator and 
demagogue constituting the political stock in 
trade, are sought, sounded and secured — are as 
marketable and purchasable as the most com- 
mon commodities of daily life. Every advan- 
tage is now taken of the common people that 
scheme and plot and libelous misrepresentation 
can accomplish and secure ; while the iron- 
hearted politician eagerly grasps the last lost 



22 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

chance at the closing scene with undue persua- 
sion, and money, too, the free use of which, as 
if to purchase herds of swine, disgraces and de- 
grades the manhood of the day. All branches 
of industry have mingled in this battle array, 
fighting each other night and day, yet, the in- 
terest of labor is identical. But, when divided 
into parties, arrayed one against the other, no 
better fate than sure defeat can be expected. 
The day is won, and the battle's lost to labor 
and reform. This is the ever-yielding fruit of 
the district system. All legislative districts 
are alike, since the manner in which Congress- 
men, Stat£ Senators, and Representatives differ 
not in process of election, farther than in States 
like Illinois where minority representation is 
adopted. The reader can now behold the utter 
uselessness of that pernicious system, called 
the legislative district, when popular govern- 
ment is the pride of an honest, liberty loving 
people. By this plan, the State Legislatures, 
which appoint the United States Senate, are 
largely composed of members whose election 
has' been secured by the plentiful use of money 
from the iron hand of monopoly. How can the 
members of the State Legislatures be expected 
to be of better material than the monopolies 
and elements they represent ? How can the 
United States Senate appointed by such a body 
be a whit better? How can the Supreme 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 23 

Court, ambassadors, ministers, consuls, and 
public officers, who are confirmed by the 
United States Senate, be of a better character 
or element than the Senate agent of monopoly 
that infuses official life into them ? These are 
important questions, and demand thorough in- 
vestigation. Is it any wonder, then, when we 
go back to the days of slavery, we find the 
United States Senate ratifying the inhuman 
slave-whip, blood-hound, auction-block, and 
fugitive-slave law ? Then, is it any greater 
wonderto findthat the SupremeCourt disgraced 
itself by rendering a decision "that the black 
man had no rights that the white man was 
bound to respect" — in the famous "Dred 
Scott " decision, since the said court was con- 
firmed by the Senate agent of slavery ? This 
same inquiry will reach the notoriousland grants 
to railroad corporations and the supreme deci- 
sion affecting settlers who were dispossessed 
of their western homes to favor these wealthy 
corporations. We might carry it into the na- 
tional banking corporation, treasury of the 
United States, star-route case, Indian agencies, 
whisky frauds, exemption clause, contraction 
act, credit-strengthening act, bond acts, civil- 
rights act and decision, protective-tariff laws, 
demonetization acts, patent-right decisions, 
and ten thousand fraudulent laws and decisions. 
The fugitive-slave law and Dred Scott decision 



24 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

would never have blackened and disgraced the 
otherwise bright pages of American history, 
only for this anti-republican legislative district 
system that aided slavery, aids monopoly, per- 
sonal aggrandizement, frauds, malfeasance in 
office, unjust decisions, cheats justice, steals 
virtue, robs labor, enriches capital, and pre- 
vents popular government the full scope that a 
wise, soverign nation of liberty-loving people 
should and must demand. 

Having explained many of the objectionable 
features and evil results that arise from this 
dangerous system and barbaric Senate branch 
of Congress, agent of monopoly, mischief and 
injustice, so utterly obnoxious to popular gov- 
ernment, we will now turn our attention to the 
House of Representatives of the United States 
Congress. This branch of Congress is almost, 
if not quite, as dangerous and destructive to 
liberty, law, justice and popular government, 
under the present method of organization, a 
the U. wS. Senate, which, under the present sys- 
tem, makes Congress a detestable institution 
of legislative monstrosity, more to be feared by 
labor and dreaded by the common people, than 
the most despotic monarch that could be reared 
in its stead ; for, when a republic becomes out- 
raged, it is the worst form of government that 
can afflict, curse and persecute mankind, aside 
from vicious, destructive anarchy, in which in- 






OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 25 



stance there is protection neither to property 
nor life. 

Section i, of the National Constitution, pro- 
vides that, "All legislative power herein 
granted shall rest in a Congress of the United 
States, which shall consist of a Senate and 
House of Representatives." 

Clause first provides that, " The House of 
Representatives shall be composed of members 
chosen every second year by the people of the 
several States," etc. 

Clause third provides that, " Representatives 
and direct taxes shall be apportioned among 
the several States, which may be included 
within this Union, according to their respective 
numbers," etc. 

Again : " The number of Representatives 
shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, 
but each State shall have at least one Repre- 
sentative," etc. 

But then, as the province of our discussion 
does not relate so much to the ratio as repre- 
sentative district, we will proceed with the ex- 
posure of the manner of electing members to 
the House of Congress. The House of Repre- 
sentatives, however, are the only federal offi- 
cials connected with our national government 
who are elected by ballot, and this branch of 
Congress is chosen under the most unfavorable 
conditions, since they are elected by a very 



26 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 



•s of 



small portion of the people and legal voters 
the several Congressional districts they repre- 
sent in. the States of this Union. Let us go 
back to the days of slavery and examine into 
this very bad system and institution that not 
only afflicted the black man, but the white race 
also. Had we ever been blessed with a peo- 
ple's government, we should not have been 
cursed with human slavery so long as that un- 
godly institution made our nation a by-word 
and reproach among the nations of the earth 
— our symbol of liberty a flag of distress, cru- 
elty and outrage. Our flag was proudly called 
44 the banner of liberty" in a country that tol- 
erated legalized slavery. Our republic, 
proudly called 44 a people's government," a por- 
tion of whom were chained down to servile 
labor, and the best half of the people disfran- 
chised because of sex distinction ; both re- 
maining only in name what both long since 
should have been made in principle, the grand- 
est and most glorious system under which 
mankind could possibly exist, enjoy and ad- 
mire. The slave-holders of the South, under 
the apportionment and district system of na- 
tional representation, were entitled to three- 
fifths more representation than the legal voters 
of the Northern free States. Because the con- 
stitution provided that : 

44 Representatives and direct taxes shall be 



: 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 27 

apportioned among the several States which 
may be included within this Union, according 
to their respective numbers, which shall be 
determined by adding to the whole number of 
free persons, including those bound to service 
for a term of years, and excluding Indians not 
taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." 

Of course, " all other persons," meant the 
slaves. Slave owners, then, cast a ballot 
equal to three-fifths of the slave population 
oi the South, entitled to a representation, 
under this infamous system, and, by so doing, 
they were a powerful factor in the affairs of 
government. Is it any wonder, then, that the 
South retained the slave system until it so en- 
raged the nation that nothing but a bloody war 
could emancipate so vicious an institution, 
since by the district and apportionment system 
those engaged in human traffic could not be 
dispossessed or dislodged by other means than 
cruel warfare ? Had the district been annihil- 
ated and proportionate legislative representa- 
tion been adopted, on the basis of so many 
votes as the basis of representation, then the 
institution of slavery would have died in the 
cradle of its infancy, because, if all parties for 
and against slavery had been so represented, 
no such legislation as the fugitive slave law 
could ever have been enacted — nor would the 
44 Dred Scott " decision in conjunction with such 
infamy ever have stained the judicial ermine 



28 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

with human blood gushing from the distorted 
veins of bondage. 

The North never was able to cope with the 
South, with such odds as this to overcome. 
What use had the South for party aside from 
the slave-holding party, since the district line 
representation lent no encouragement what- 
ever to reform parties ? Here the Southern 
States were divided into so many Congressional 
districts, where the slave population was about 
equal to the white. The blacks without rep- 
resentation, and the whites not only with rep- 
resentation but represented by three-fifths of 
the slave population, besides. 

How could the North ever hope to cope with 
such power as this ? Such a thing could not 
be and consequently never was successfull 
done. 

We will review one Southern State unde 
this miserable un-democratic system, and then 
compare all the other Southern States to the 
one under review. We will divide Alabama 
into six Congressional districts, each of which 
we will presume to have thirty thousand votes, 
fifteen thousand white and fifteen thousand 
black ; that is, the slave-holding power were 
entitled to that many votes, under the three- 
fifths slave-vote rule. We will presume that 
there were then a Democratic party, a Whig 
party, and an Abolition party organized in the 



i 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

South ; that in the State of Alabama each party 
xit their candidates for Congress in the field ; 
:hat the Democrats were most numerous ; that 
:he Whigs were less in number, and that the 
Abolitionists were largely in the minority; 
;hat in the said State the Abolition party had 
:hirty thousand legal votes ; that the Whig 
:>arty had sixty thousand legal votes ; and, 
:hat the Democratic party had ninety thousand 
egal votes. The Abolition party was distrib- 
ited over the State in such a manner that the 
:>arty could not hope to elect a solitary Con- 
gressman. The Whig party was distributed in 
i like manner over the State, and the Demo- 
:ratic party also, further than being equal to 
:he other two it controlled the election of every 
Congressional district, and by which means 
elected every member to Congress in sympathy 
■vith the perpetuation and extension of slavery. 
To make this fraud more plain, we will pre- 
sume that Congressional District No. i, in 
said State, was about an average district ; that 
/V. was the Democratic candidate for Congress ; 
Eat B. was the Whig candidate ; that C. was 
the Abolition candidate. A., B. and C. entered 
the campaign together in District I. Each 
party thoroughly canvassed the said district up 
to election day. A. received 15,000 votes in 
said district ; B. received 10,000 votes in said 
district, and C. received 5,000 votes in said 



30 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

district. Here it will be seen that A., the 
Democratic candidate, was elected to Congress 
by 5,000 more votes than B. and 10,000 more 
votes than C. The Whig and Abolition parties 
had as many votes as the Democratic party, 
but, owing to the district system had no rep- 
resentation whatever in Congress, as every 
district in the State was carried by the Demo- 
cratic party in precisely the same manner, and 
every State in the South elected slave-trade 
Representatives to the United States Congr 
And, what is characteristic of the Congressional 
district system, is also characteristic of the 
State Assembly system, made up of State Sen- 
atorial and State Representative districts here- 
tofore explained and exposed on the point of 
infusing life into the United States Senate. 

The slave-holder of the South not only pock- 
eted the earnings of the slave, but used three- 
fifths of the slave power at the ballot box with 
which to prolong the system that bound the 
black race in chains of bondage, robbed the 
black race of all they earned, aside from a bare, 
mean subsistence, to enrich the arrogant, the 
selfish, the haughty slave power of the South. 

Then is it any w T onder that slavery existed 
so long as it did, or that Congress, composed 
of Senators and Representatives of so vicious 
and selfish a system, should enact the Fugitive 
Slave law ? or that the Supreme Court, ap- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 31 

pointed to office by such a slave Congress as 
this, should have rendered the 4 'Dred Scott" 
decision, "That the black man had no rights 
which the white man was bound to respect V 
Do you not see now why it was necessary to 
shoot slavery out of existence, since it could 
not be reached by legislation under the district 
and three-fifths vote system ? Had the legis- 
lative district lines been struck down and the 
basis vote system been established in its stead, 
all parties reaching said basis could have been 
represented in Congress, and slavery would 
have died in the cradle in its infancy without 
firing a single gun, shedding a drop of human 
blood, burning a single house or devastating 
the South by an armed force, leaving the 
maimed, the wounded, the crippled, the dying, 
the dead, grief and sorrow stricken, a legacy in 
the awful wake of cruel, barbaric warfare. 

Returning to the Alabama election problem, 
portrayed in the preceding pages, to still further 
verify our prediction and prove the moral of 
philosophy, we will presume that the six Con- 
gressional districts of said State had been 
stricken down; that each party had been en- 
titled to a Representative in the house of Con- 
gress for every thirty thousand votes of said 
party ; that is, 30,000 legal votes would have 
constituted the basis of Congressional repre- 
sentation in the State instead of each district 



32 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

of 30,000. Had such been the case, the Aboli- 
tion party, with 30,000 votes distributed 
through the six Congressional districts of said 
State, would have been entitled to one member 
of Congress. The Whig party, with 60,000 
votes so distributed, would have been entitled 
to two Congressmen, and the Democratic party, 
with 90,000 votes so distributed, would have 
been entitled to only three Congressmen, in- 
stead of six, and so on throughout the entire 
South, length and breadth of the Union. Con- 
gress thus composed of Representatives of all 
the political parties having reached such basis 
of representation, could never have sustained 
the miserable institution of negro slavery any 
length of time — would never have had to put 
it down by armed force, as there would have 
been encouragement to reform parties, which 
in time would have abolished slavery by legal 
enactment, and have paid every slave-holder 
the full value of every slave, at a great deal 
less cost, too, than the expenses attending our 
Emancipation war, to say nothing about the 
loss of limb, health, and valuable property and 
lives, in consequence of war. 

But then, under the old and present district 
system, reform parties have and will continue 
to come into existence, animated by pure mo- 
tives and grand principles, linger a while, and 
die finally for want of representation. 



Ctoptei' Tltfee. 



THE CHARTER AGE OF CORPORATE MONO! 
—IMPERFECT APPORTIONMENT— THE CON- 
GRESSIONAL DISTRICT— HOW CONVEN- 
TIONS ARE MANIPULATED— COM- 
PLEXION OF CONGRESS. 




WING reviewed the slave age of 
America at considerable length un- 
der this pernicious, anti-republican 
s^j system, we will now turn our atten- 
tion to the same system that has 
afflicted our nation in ten thousand 
ways, and rendered popular govern- 
ment a mere mockery, previous to 
and since firing the last gun of black bondage 
in the United States of America. The last 
quarter of a century may be well termed, 



THE CHARTER AGE OF CORPORATE MONOPOLY, 

beginning as far back as 1861, since which time 
railroad charters and land grants to railroad 
companies have been granted without .number, 



34 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

covering a gift of something like 300,000,00c 
acres of government land, subsidies in money, 
and taxes voted upon the people in many 
States besides. Then the chartering of tht 
National bank to wealthy bond-holders, is an- 
other means of extortion, hardly without a par- 
allel in history. Also, telegraph, telephone- 
lines, &c, to such an extent that the lack o 
space forbids further mention. 

Then in connection with chartered privi- 
leges, class laws have followed in quick succes- 
sion, until individual security remains almost 
without protection. 

Starting with the mutilation legal tender act, 
that robbed the burdened taxpayers of untolc. 
millions, soldiers of their pay, and gave it ovei 
to the capitalists ; then the bond-tax exemp- 
tion clause, that permitted the wealthy bond- 
holders to vote for the most extravagant sys- 
tem of government, educate their children at 
the expense of their poor neighbors, enjoy all 
the benefits of government without being taxed 
like other legal citizens. Then the National 
banking act, that permitted the bond-ocracy o! 
America to draw full interest on their bonds, 
escape taxation, receive ninety per cent value 
of the bonds in national bank currency from 
the government, and loan to the people this 
vast sum at ruinously high interest, bankrupt 
and cheat their depositors out of sums beyond 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 35 

Tieasure, and receive interest on currency and 
)onds beyond calculation, is another institu- 
:ion of this peculiar age, that would not exist 
Jiider a people's government twelve months. 

The contraction act of 1866, which in less 
;han three years after caused nearly 1,350,000,- 
XX) dollars of the circulating medium of the 
puntry to be converted into non-taxable in- 
:erest bearing bonds, producing shrinkage in 
/alue to all kinds of property and widespread 
'uin to all classes except the monied lords, is 
mother species of statesmanship of this very 
peculiar age. 

The credit-strengthening act of March, 1869, 
which made nearly two and a half billion dol- 
ars of the public debt payable in coin that by 
original contract was made payable in lawful 
noney, and that, too, at a time when coin bore 
1 premium of 32.\c on the dollar, increasing 
:he public debt burden to the tax payers in a 
ium reaching beyond 600,000,000 dollars, every 
iollar of which was filched from honest indus- 
:ry and given to the monied aristocracy of this 
:harter age. 

The demonetizing silver act then followed, 
which prevented the government paying inter- 
est due on the bonds in anything but gold, 
which was at quite a premium. The " salary- 
jrab" act came next as a surprise to the peo- 
ple. The resumption act of January, 1875, 



36 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

which provided for the total and absolute de- 
struction of the $346,000,000 of outstanding 
treasury notes, came soon after to favor the 
capitalists, bond-holders and National bank- 
ers ; but this proved a step too bold and too 
far for the outraged people to further endure, 
so after a general hue and cry went up all over 
the country for its " immediate repeal," Con- 
gress became alarmed and repealed this mon- 
strous act, May, 1878, just in time to save the 
people from bankruptcy and ruin, and our na- 
tion from the terrible shock of anarchy and the 
agonizing throes of national death. 

The re-chartering of the National bank fol- 
lowed soon after, and is a kind of Siamese twin 
to this charter age of corporate monopoly. 

High tariff acts were of frequent occurrence, 
until this protective fraud grew so large as to 
swallow itself in the ever memorable year of 
1884. As the Republican and Democratic 
parties were the only parties that existed for 
some time after the Emancipation war broke 
out, we will review that period of " single bless- 
edness" peculiar to Republican success as a 
party holding sway, reigning supreme for a 
quarter of a century, undisturbed and undis- 
mayed. But, before criticising the charter age 
of corporate monopoly, it will be necessary to 
tabulate the apportionment system, which dates 
as far back as 1789, at which time Congress- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 37 

ional representation was based on thirty 
thousand population to the Congressional dis- 
trict. This, however, remained until March 
4th, 1793, and subsequently every ten years 
thereafter, though uniform, varied greatly in 
apportionment, as will be noticed from the 



following 


table :— 




Ratio of 


Year. 


Apportionment. 


Votes. 


Pop ul at ion. 


1793 


33 ,0°° 


6,600 


I to 5 


1803 


33,000 


6,600 


I to 5 


1813 


35,000 


7,000 


1 to 5 


1823 


40,000 


8,000 


1 to 5 


1833 


47,000 


8,140 


1 to 5 


1813 


;o,6So 


14,136 


1 to 5 


1853 


93-423 


18,684 


1 to 5 


1863 


127,381 


25,476 


1 to 5 


1873 


131.425 


26,285 


1 to 5 


1S83 


154,325 


30,865 


1 to 5 



By this table of Congressional apportion- 
ment, the reader will fail not to observe how 
much more expensive national legislation is in 
one decade than in another. Compare, for in- 
stance, 1798 to 1853. Then compare 1843 to 
1873. Then compare 1853 to 1883. There 
were three times as many tax-payers to the 
Congressional district in 1853 as in 1793. 
There were nearly twice as many tax-payers 
to the Congressional district in iS73asin 1843 ; 
and, there were nearly two-fifths more tax- 
payers to the Congressional district in 1883 
than in 1853. But, as this is not so much the 
province of our discussion as the evil conse- 
quence of Congressional districts, w T e will for- 
bear further criticism, and proceed with the 



38 OUR NEXT KEPUBUC, 

manner of electing members to the lower 
House of Congress, as the laws they make are 
more to be feared than their official expense 
attending the people. As Iowa and Missouri 
probably furnish as good an illustration under 
the district system as any States in the Union, 
we will attempt the exposure of all other States 
by these two, as Iowa for years sent a solid 
Republican delegation to the United States 
Congress, and Missouri, as often a Democratic 
delegation. Iowa being governed by the Re- 
publicans, naturally enough they used every 
expedient to retain power and prevent other 
than Republican representation. For this, and 
divers other reasons, the Republican State 
Legislature so ingeniously districted and re- 
districted the State as to prevent the Demo- 
crats from electing even one Representative to 
the lower House of Congress for many years. 
The 9th Congressional district of this State had 
to be so peculiarly constructed in order to pre- 
vent the Democrats from electing a congrr 
man, that it greatly resembled a boot on the 
congressional map, and was so nicknamed. It 
wound its way from the southwest corner of 
the State all the way around several counties, 
thence by Ft. Dodge, then running to the Min- 
nesota line, thence west to Dakota, and on 
down the eastern bank of the Missouri river. 
The distance around this district was estima- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 39 

ted at nearly seven hundred miles ; and what 
is characteristic of the Iowa Republicans under 
this district system, is also characteristic of the 
Missouri Democrats ; and, in fact, all other 
States composing- this Union. This brings us 
to the legislative district system, and in order 
that the reader may easily understand our crit- 

- icism, and as easily discover the anti-republi- 
can form of government that curses instead of 

\ blesses America, we will suppose that all Con- 
gressional districts are under the same appor- 

- tionment ratio of 150,005 population or 30,001 
legal votes at the ratio <^f one vote to every 

; five of said population ; that the said nine Con- 
essional districts of Iowa, during the decade 
\ of their existence, contained 750,015 Republi- 
\ can population, or 150,003 legal voters; that 
the same districts during the same time con- 
tained 600,030 Democratic population or 120,- 
' 006 legal voters ; that the State during said 
. period had 1,350,045 men, women and children, 
I who, when reduced to the ratio of one legal 
< voter to every five of said population, gave 
I Iowa a total vote of 270,009. Each one of 
these nine Congressional districts were com- 
posed of a certain number of counties. The 
chairman of the Congressional committee of 
each district calls the Congressional convention 
to meet at a certain place and time, and there 
and then, place in nomination, a reliable, 



40 OUR NEX r f REPUBLIC. 

thorough, staunch Republican candidate for 
member of Congress. The counties cheerfully 
respond to the said call, and the delegates meet 
in compliance with the same, organize an in- 
formal convention with chairman and secretary 
— a committee on credentials is then appointed. 
While the committee is engaged in some back 
room, investigating the delegates' credentials, 
wily politicians are " making slates," as they 
term it — are sounding the delegates in the in- 
formal convention, preparatory to "packing" 
the regular convention, which is a term used 
to express the underhanded scheme of uniting 
one class of delegates against another. 

The skillful taking advantage of the country 
delegate, so that the capitalists may be sure of 
securing their tool unsuspected; "wire-pull- 
ing" and " log-rolling," as they term it, goes 
on. and soon there are enough delegates se- 
cured to place in nomination, on the spur of 
the moment, the pliant tool of monopoly and 
sure friend of capital. The committee on cre- 
dentials is, however, ready to report. The 
report is made, accepted, and committee dis- 
charged from further duty. The accredited 
delegates take their seats in regular order, and 
appoint a committee on permanent organiza- 
tion. The committee soon reports as to the 
president and vice-president, who are accepted 
by one acclamatic yell. The informal chair- 






OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 41 

man arises, and with a bow as polite and grace- 
ful as a country school-ma'm, welcomes the 
new speaker, who is then seated by a commit- 
tee for said dignified occasion. The chairman 
then slowly arises to full height with the gavel 
of authority in hand, very politely thanks the 
convention for the ''unsought honors con- 
ferred," and briefly states the object of the con- 
vention in well chosen words, then takes his 
seat amid perfect uproar and applause. 

Quiet, however, is soon restored, and the 
speaker states that, " the next order of busi- 
ness will be to appoint a permanent secretary 
and tellers." The order of business is speedily 
complied with. The chair arises again, and in 
a dignified voice informs the convention that, 
"the next order of business will be to appoint 
a committee on resolutions and platform." 
The said committee is duly appointed, and re- 
tires to some back room to write, to wrangle, 
agree and disagree ; while windy delegates 
empty themselves of pent-up, gastric eloquence. 
The committee on platform, however, are now 
ready to report. The report is made, accepted, 
and committee discharged. The platform glit- 
ters with sparkling generalities — is a verbiage 
of meaningless words and eulogistic nothing- 
ness. However, it is just the thing with which 
to catch gudgeons, and, in this respect admir- 
ably serves the purpose for which it was in- 



42 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

tended ; so, one wild, acclamatic yell, and it is 
gulped down at one greedy swallow, becomes 
a fixed fact and product of great genius. It is 
public property now, and is heralded far and 
near by the subsidized press. 

The newspaper man has commented upon 
the bright features of relief — it did not possess ; 
has complimented the statesman-like genius — 
nowhere to be found in it. Nomination is now 
in order by a convention well " packed " in the 
interest of a certain candidate, pledged to aid 
public improvement, national banking, railroad 
land grants and chartered monopolies. 

The agent of monopoly has ingeniously se- 
cured a seat in the said convention. He is an 
attorney, and is the most quiet, unassuming 
one of the delegates. That's he, that scholarly, 
dignified-looking, unassuming man, with gold 
spectacles and spotted soul. Watch his grace- 
ful movements, and notice how much he is at 
home and how familiar he is with convention 
work. " How affable and agreeable he seems," 
says the alert reformer up in the gallery, to his 
friend, gently and hardly above a whisper. 
The dignified man with gold spectacles rises to 
full height and looks his very best, as he gazes 
with admiration and delight upon the lambs. 
He's a fine-looking, gentlemanly-appearing 
personage, with a deep bass voice and com- 
manding appearance ; just the man for the oc- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC 43 

casion and supreme moment. He is present 
for a purpose, and knows who will be the nom- 
inee long before the name of the candidate is 
announced. Having riveted the attention of 
all the delegates with his graceful manner, he 
begins with: "Mr. Speaker, fellow citizens, 
and delegates of the convention. I rise for the 
pleasure and purpose of placing in nomination 
a man of wealth, character and ability. A man 
of sterling worth and fully in sympathy with 
the great business interests and public im- 
provements of this great, grand, glorious repub- 
lic. (Cheers.) A man who has been early 
identified with the Republican part}/, and all 
of its glorious achievements. (Cheer after 
cheer.) A man, who, if placed in nomination 
to-day by this august body of delegates and 
honorable representatives of one of the most 
illustrious parties of advanced civilization that 
ever administered national affairs of the Amer- 
ican people, will proudly win the battle and 
add new honors and laurels to the party of his 
and our early choice. ( Prolonged cheers.) A 
man of the people, with the people, and for the 
people, and that is the Hon. C. M. Cheatem, 

president of the first national bank of B ." 

Cheer after cheer rings out upon the street, 
foretelling the coming candidate of the conven- 
tion and monopoly. So, one of the "bosses" 
and agents of corporate monopoly, springs to 



44 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

his feet, losing no time to take advantage of 
the auspicious moment, shouts at the top of his 
voice: "Mr. Speaker! Mr. Speaker!! I 
move you, sir, that, to expedite time and hasten 
the work of this convention at so late an hour, 
the rules be suspended, and that the Hon. Mr. 
Cheatem be declared the candidate for Con- 
gress by acclamation." "I second the mo- 
tion ! " is heard all over the hall. But as the 
uproar dies away, a nervous country delegate 
who is not so well acquainted with convention 
as farm work, slowly rises, timidly, half bent, 
and with tremulous voice stammers out : "Per- 
mit me to suggest the name of — " "No sug- 
gestions!" "Take your seat!" shout the 
party "bosses" from every side. 

So the timid, untutored country delegate, 
who wished to place some honorable, intelli- 
gent farmer in nomination, is nonplussed, cha- 
grined, and "downed" by the too familiar 
"gag-rule" of district conventions. So the 
timid country delegate nervously crouches to 
his seat, humiliated, flushed with excitement, 
crushed and cast down amid the sneers and 
jeers of the city politicians, while labor was 
cheated out of proper representation. And 
what is characteristic of the Republican party 
under the legislative district system of Iowa, is 
also characteristic of the Democratic party of 
Missouri, and of these and all other parties in 






OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 45 

any state of the Union — and every other party 
that has or may ever have a political existence, 
until that time when the people, in their sov- 
ereign majesty and the dignity of labor, will 
stand such abuses and indignities no longer, 
but rise in one united mass and strike down 
every legislative district line and vestige of 
despotism that afflicts the people and renders 
popular government a mockery, a delusive 
snare and by-word among men. 

The legislative district must be abolished — 
the State senate must be abolished — the United 
States senate must be abolished — the electoral 
college must be abolished — and every public 
servant applicable to and within reach of the 
ballot, must be elected to office by the people, 
by w r hich means alone can popular government 
be restored to the people, that they may con- 
trol the evil influences of threatening institu- 
tions chartered against the will and wishes of 
outraged industry. Do this, then the breeding 
spawn of monster monopoly will perish, where 
now, "God's wild children of the desert," pine, 
sicken and die. 

We will now presume that the Democrats of 
Iowa w r ent through the ridiculous farce of con- 
ventionality, putting in nomination for Con- 
gress in the same district, the Hon. C. U. 
Catchem, who is a prominent railroad attorney 
of wealth, sagacity, and influence. Charter 



46 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

Monopoly Cheatem and Corporation Usury 
Catchem are the Republican and Democratic 
nominees for Congress in the first Congress- 
ional district ; and we will presume that every 
other district in the State has its Cheatem and 
Catchem running for Congress. A vigorous 
campaign is waged, but as there are only 13,- 
334 legal Democratic voters against 16,667 
Republican voters in each district, Democracy 
has little or no encouragement to elect a soli- 
tary member to Congress. Election day 
comes, with busy "bosses" at the polls, early 
and late. The day passes, and the Republi- 
cans and monopoly triumph in Iowa by elect- 
ing and sending a solid delegation to Congress, 
while in Missouri, the Democracy have tri- 
umphed and sent a solid delegation to Con- 
gress under the same infamous system. Here 
it will be observed, that there were 600,030 
Democratic population or 120,006 legal voters 
distributed throughout the State in such a 
manner as to prevent that party from any rep- 
resentation whatever. It will also be observed, 
that while the Republican party had but 750,- 
015 population or 150,003 legal voters, it 
elected nine Congressmen. The legislature 
that districted and redistricted the State, in- 
geniously managed that part so well as to carry 
every solitary district, and the Democrats of 
Missouri did precisely the same thing, and so 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 47 

will any other party under the district system, 
because it is nothing but a gigantic fraud in 
the hands of any and all parties. 

Now if Congressional representation had 
been based on the vote of 30,001 of whatever 
party, instead of being that many votes to the 
district, then the Democratic party with its 
120,006 votes distributed over the State and 
through the nine districts, would have been 
entitled to four Congressmen, while the Re- 
publican party with 150,003 votes so distrib- 
uted, would only have been entitled to five 
Congressmen, instead of nine. The State 
would be represented by the same number of 
Congressmen, only four would be Democrats 
and five Republicans. Strike down and for- 
ever abolish legislative districts. Instead of 
one party having all the representation of a 
State, every party ought to have proportionate 
representation ; and what would have been, 
and be good for Iowa, would have been, and be 
good for Missouri and every other State of the 
Union. 

Had this been the case long ago, and in 1S75, 
Congress would not have been disgraced with 
99 lawyers and 189 bankers. Nor would the 
safety and security of our commercial affairs 
have received the terrible shock they did when 
that Congress of monopoly enacted the "free- 
banking and resumption act, of Jan. 14, 1S75." 



48 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

This notorious act provided for the total de- 
struction of $346,000,000 of the legal tender out- 
standing treasury notes, by converting them 
into non-taxable, interest-bearing bonds, and 
allowing the national banks the privilege of 
placing these bonds on deposit with the federal 
-government, draw all the interest accruing on 
them, receive ninety per cent of the value of 
said bonds in national bank currency to loan 
to the people at high interest, and compel 
every man, woman and child to contribute to 
the interest arising on said bonds, also. This 
was a terrible outrage, and so incensed the 
masses that its speedy repeal w r as demanded 
and complied with May 31, 1878. But then, 
how could it be expected of a Congress so 
largely composed of lawyers and bankers to 
have given the country any better legislation 
than this ? Now, if it had not been for the 
representative district system, these lawyers 
and bankers would never have been elected — 
could not have been, from the fact that neither 
individual nor corporation could have exerted 
any influence, as money could not be brought 
to bear on the basis vote system. No earthly 
influence could take advantage of it, and for 
this reason above all others, it has become 
popular. 

Great natural principles seldom bless man- 
kind. If he can associate himself with system- 






OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 49 

atic tricks, deceptive schemes and influences, 
he seems to be perfectly at home, at ease, and 
in the height of his glory, no matter who or 
what the suffering. Personal aggrandizement 
seems uppermost in his craving, ambitious de- 
sires, whatever the sacrifice. 

Noting the composition of the 43d Congress, 
we find that, according to a speech delivered 
by Moses W. Field, of Michigan, it was com- 
posed of the following professions, viz : — 

1 land surveyor, 1 mechanic, 1 priest, 1 pro- 
fessor of latin, 1 doctor of laws, 1 barber, 1 me- 
chanic, 3 millers, 6 lumbermen, 7 doctors, 13 
manufacturers, 13 farmers, 14 merchants, 99 
lawyers, 189 bankers, which includes stock- 
holders in national banks. Total, 351. Then 
is it any wonder that we are living in the reign 
and terror of corporate monopoly, poverty and 
crime ? Ought not this exhibit disgust every 
laboring man and lover of liberty, prosperity, 
and popular government ? Get rid of your dis- 
trict system of misrepresentation, or you will 
exchange this poorly founded republic for a 
worse system of despotism than that across 
the waters, which has become so noted for 
tyranny, riches for the few, poverty for the 
many, despotism and exile for all.* Can we 
exist as a nation of freemen under such a sys- 
tem any length of time ? Will not the coming 
generations be born slaves to capital and mis- 



50 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

fortune under such an anti-republican system 
as this ? Can we afford longer to let this mat- 
ter go unnoticed ? Does it not demand the 
immediate attention and combined action of 
every so-called freeman — every patriot and 
humanitarian, politician and statesman ? No- 
bility without a name and royalty without a 
place stands knocking loudly at the rickety 
door of Liberty for admission. Shall we con- 
tinue this anti-republican system longer and 
admit them ? Ten thousand times, no ! Popu- 
lar government is the only thing that can or 
will stay the tide. Let us have it at whatever 
sacrifice. We call upon the laboring masses 
to arm themselves with a wise ballot. Neither 
buy nor sell, borrow nor lend these precious 
weapons of political warfare ; but down the 
legislative district system and trample it under 
foot as you would the poisonous adder. Damn 
it! traduce it! level it ! and forever abolish it! 
It is anti-republican ! It is anti-democratic ! 
un-reprcscntative ! un-American, and fraught 
with all the evil consequences of a bad, vicious 
system, tending towards centralization of 
power and sure enslavement of the laboring 
masses, both black and white, male and female. 
Get rid of it ! It must go ! 



Cl\kpte^ 5W. 



THE -EVER MEMORABLE YEAR 1884— BUTLER, 
BLAINE, CLEVELAND, ST. JOHN, AND 
BELVA LOCKWOOD FOR PRESIDEN- 
TIAL HONORS— PROPORTIONATE 
LEGISLATIVE REPRESENTA- 
TION NOT A NEW IDEA. 



N briefly reviewing this wonderful 
campaign relating to the national 
issue by the two dominant parties, 
it will be well to note that the 
Democratic party made "tariff for 
revenue" the main issue, while the 
Republican party championed the 
cause of "protection to American 
industry," which virtually meant " manufac- 
turing industry." Party lines were never more 
tightly drawn than during this partisan com- 
bat for Congress, official patronage and the 
ipresidency. Nor was there ever a more hotly 
contested or more exciting election of which 
we have history. A more hostile combat could 
not well exist again attended with less desper- 
ate results to life and property, which furnishes 




52 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

the very best evidence of the capability of the 
people to maintain self-government. The 
Democratic party completely routed and dis- 
lodged the Republican party, electing Cleve- 
land president by a majority of thirty electoral 
votes. Thus did the Democratic party tri- 
umph for the first time in twenty-four years. 

Having said all we care to at present about 
the election of the president of the United 
States by the electoral college system and 
fraud, we will return to our former subject for 
the express purpose of criticising the Congress- 
ional district system, more fully portrayed else- 
where. The reader will observe that the State 
now under review contains 1,500,000 popula 
tion, divided as follows : Anti-monopoly pop 
ulation, 150,000; Greenback population, 300,- 
000; Republican population, 450,000; Demo 
cratic population, 600,000. 

This State was divided into ten congress- 
ional districts, on the ratio of 150,000 popula- 
tion, or 30,000 votes. 

Here it will be observed that the Demo- 
cratic party, being a trifle the strongest, elected 
every Congressman in said State. There are 
ten Democratic Congressmen, representing a 
State with 1,500,000 population, while the 
actual Democratic population does not exceed 
600,000. 

Here it will be seen, at a glance, that there 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 53 

arc 900,000 population wholly without repre- 
sentation, owing to this corrupt district sys- 
tem. The Anti-monopoly party had 30,000 
votes, so distributed through the ten districts 
of said State as to lose every possible chance 
for re-presentation in the house of Congress. 
The Greenback party had Go,ooo votes so dis- 
tributed through the ten districts as to render 
that party helpless. The Republican party 
had 90,000 votes so distributed through the 
ten districts as to be of no avail whatever, and 
the Democratic party, by being privileged to 
district said State, so ingeniously managed the 
matter as to distribute 120,000 votes through 
said districts in a way to monopolize the entire 
representation of said State. Any other party 
would have done just exactly as the Demo- 
cratic party did ; but then, look at the injustice 
of so outrageous a system — a system that de- 
nies 900,000 people representation in a State, 
and gives it all to 600,000 people. 

And, what is characteristic of this State is 

I also characteristic of every other State in the 
Union under like circumstances and conditions 

I relating to the legislative district system. 

The Anti-monopoly convention was held at 
Chicago, May 15, and put General Benjamin 

' F. Butler, of Lowell, Mass., in nomination for 
the presidency of the United States. Then 
the National Greenback party ratified Butler's 



54 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

nomination at Indianapolis, Ind., May 29. 
These two parties really combined, forming 
what might be called a " People's party." Af- 
ter this nomination was made, the Republican 
party met at Chicago, and placed James G. 
Blaine, of the State of Maine, in nomination 
for the presidency in the following month of 
June. The National Democratic convention ( 
soon followed, being held at Chicago, July fol- 
lowing, at which time and place Grover Cleve- 
land, of the State of New York, was placed in 
nomination for the presidency. Soon after 
this, however, St. John, of Kansas, was placed 
in nomination by the National Prohibition con- 
vention, and Mrs. Belva Lockwood, of Wash- 
ington, D. C, was lastly put in nomination by 
the Woman Suffrage party. 

Of course, each one of these parties was 
represented in nearly every State in the Union, 
with the exception of graceful, intellectual 
Belva, and each party was at perfect liberty to 
place a Congressional ticket in every Con- 
gressional district where said parties existed, 
but we do not know that either the Prohibition 
or Woman Suffrage parties did, nor does it 
matter whether such was the case or not, since 
there were as many as four other tickets in the 
field. All we wish to prove, is, that the more 
candidates there are running for Congress, the 
more people there are without representation, 



oCA' NEXT REPUBLIC. 55 

and the more favorable this legislative district 
system becomes to monopoly. 

So we will proceed with only four candidates 
in this, our last illustration, basing the vote of 
each district on 30,000, and confining the criti- 
cism to one State, with 1,500,000 population, 
or 300,000 legal electors, divided into ten con- 
gressional districts, although the congressional 
apportionment made by Congress for that year 
.would exceed this a trifle, as the reader will 
observe by the apportionment table we have 
arranged on a preceding page, being 154,325 
population, or 30,865 electors to the congress- 
ional district. But as it is not so much the 
.province of our discussion to'expose this vary- 
I ing apportionment, from decade to decade, as 
the environments with which the legislative 
district system is surrounded, we will forbear 
further criticism on this point, and proceed to 
1 organize the said State into ten congressional 
districts. We will presume that the Demo- 
cratic, Republican, Greenback, and Anti-mon- 
opoly parties in said State are numerous and 
strong enough to put a full ticket into each of 
the ten congressional districts ; that there are 
150,000 Anti-monopoly population or 30,000 
votes, in said State, distributed equally, giving 
15,000 population to the district, or 300 votes. 
We will presume that there are 300,000 Green- 
back population in said State, or 60,000 votes 



56 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

so distributed, giving to each district 30,000 
population or 6,000 votes. We will presume 
that there are 450,000 Republican population 
in said State, or 90,000 votes so distributed, 
giving to each district 45,000 population or 
9,000 votes. We will also presume that there 
are 600,000 Democratic population in said 
State, or 120,000 votes so distributed, giving to 
each district 60,000 population, or 12,000 votes. 
We will also presume that the said parties have 
each held their congressional conventions, 
similar to the one previously described. 

We now have four candidates in each con- 
gressional district, each of whom is doing all 
he can to win the political race to Congress. 
Of course, none of these candidates would 
stand flat-footed, looking an innocent audience 
of enfranchised citizens squarely in the face, 
and utter an untruth knowingly, or attempt 
misrepresentation at the expense of truth ; nor 
would any of these pure-minded candidates 
ever think of offering their city or parish min- 
ister a ten dollar bill to warp the gospel or 
prayer " jest a leetle " to favor an humble mem- 
ber on his road to Congress. Nor would these 
exemplary, smooth-tongued, finely-dressed, in- 
nocent gentlemen think of promising anybody 
a country post-office for voting for them, 
against his honest convictions. Nor would 
one of these tender-hearted, patriotic, country- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 57 

loving soldiers' best friend, ever think of using 
his influence against the pensioning of the 
brave boys in blue. No, no ! Nor would any 
of these meek and lowly apostles of the dear 
people ever betray a single trust, take even a 
small bribe, or be so remiss to pledged duty as 
to aid monopoly if elected to Congress. No, 
no! "Monopoly must not take another step 
forward." Nor would one of these Christian 
gentlemen ever think of playing Catholic in 
any one neighborhood ; Protestant in another ; 
Infidel, Liberal or Spiritualist to influence votes. 
No, no; " too utterly too" conscientiously 
pious to ever think of going to Congress by 
any such duplicity as this. Nor would one of 
these paternal models and devoted husbands 
ever think to condescend to smile sweetly on 
some pretty blonde of doubtful reputation to 
influence the pal and pimp of soiled admiration. 
Certainly not ! Nor would one of these models 
of society, pillars of the church, and great 
moral teachers, reformers and law-makers ever 
think of lending audience to the boxing match 
or prize-fight. No, no! "too utterly too" 
brutal for the average congressman (John Mor- 
rissey and the like). Nor would one of these re- 
fined, honorable, sedate, high-minded, "honor- 
bright " politicians ever think of dangling a 
dirty, cross-eyed child on his lap to sweetly 
imprint such a real earnest kiss of pure admir- 



58 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

ation on the soiled cheek of infancy, with : 
" Oh, dear ! What a pretty, sweet, innocent, 
smart, bright-eyed little creature you have," 
to ever think of gaining influence at the ballot 
box through the loving mother. No, no ! Pol- 
iticians never think or even dream of such de- 
ception as this. Nor would these great moral 
statesmen ever think of engaging in the de- 
bauch of a drunken orgie at some low brothel, 
hell-dive or saloon, to influence the fallen, de- 
praved loafer, drunkard and thief to vote for 
them. Oh, no ! Human nature is not so frail 
and so weak as this. 

The campaign opened in full blast, with an 
Anti-monopoly, Greenback, Republican and 
Democratic candidate for Congress in the field. 
It was a Presidential campaign also, with five 
Presidential candidates in the field, each of 
whom was represented by as many electors of 
the electoral college as there were Congress- 
men and United States Senators, which college 
equaled in number two Senators for each State, 
and whatever number of 'Congressmen each 
State was entitled to under this miserable ap- 
portionment system. The campaign was one 
of the most diversified and exciting campaigns 
that ever grew out of one ceaseless combina- 
tion of complications ever witnessed in the 
history of American politics. 

The great corporations had their secret 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 59 

agents everywhere, placing money where it 
would do the most good. The agents of mon- 
ster monopolies were everywhere, of every 
political shade, stripe, color and party. These 
chartered institutions began to feel the power 
about to be brought against them, and they 
were well equipped for the occasion. Their 
actions and influence went greatly towards 
strengthening an assertion once made by the 
railroad king, Jay Gould, who, when interro- 
gated by a committee of inquiry into this 
fraudulent system, replied: "I was a Demo- 
crat in a Democratic district, a Republican in 
a Republican district, Independent in an Inde- 
pendent district; but, first, last and all the 
time an ' Erie man.' " Yes, the Erie men were 
to be found everywhere, of every political 
shade, where their money and influence could 
be brought to bear to the best advantage for 
corporate monopoly. 

The newspaper was sought, the politician 
was sought, the demagogue was sought, the 
minister was sought, the lay member was 
sought, Christian, Infidel, Liberal, Spiritualist. 
The newspaper winged its flight, with quaint 
cartoon, like some ancient bird of omen, bad or 
good, to every home. The wily politician 
was in possession of the healing balm, and for 
cash could apply the remedy. The doubtful 
demagogue at home, was imported abroad to 



60 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

harangue, excite and lead the people. The in- 
fluence of every minister and church was 
brought to bear. The unbridled press of Lib- 
erty invaded even the sacred home, and rode 
rough-shod o'er decency, trampling both truth 
and private character, alike regardless under 
foot. Private and indecent attacks, libelous 
publications and attempt at misrepresentation 
were of frequent and daily occurrence. Suits 
for libel were brought and suits for libel were 
withdrawn. The influence of church was 
brought to bear. One denomination was ar- 
rayed against another, while the gospel, ser- 
mon and prayer, were bent and warped to suit 
by priest and pastor, good and true. Sarcastic 
shots from polished orators, both fat and thick, 
and lean and long, sped quick and fast, and like 
the poisoned arrow sank deep by weight and 
length of deadly shaft. 

Special trains were chartered and extra 
trains were run to convey the excited populace 
from place to place, hither and yon to march 
and counter-march at trumpet time and tune, 
gaily uniformed in colors bright, with badges 
of their leaders, too ; with banners flying high 
in air and transparencies quaint and queer, the 
mad masses vied and marched with blazing 
torch in country, town and city, too, where fiery 
rockets burst in mid air, and with liquid tongue 
chased each other through endless space as if 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. ' 61 

en route to kiss the very sky, painting country, 
town, city and vault of heaven red with glare. 

Agog the nation stood in hate, 

With love and fear. 
T'was gala day and gala night, 

Two months in fall of year; 
The beacon light that guides aright 

The " Ship-of-State," did not appear. 

The field was lastly quit — the day drew nigh, 
and swarming sons of toil met early at the 
polls, as if a battle to win. There also met the 
ever-faithful, useful, tricky politician, and sub- 
tile, sly and artful agent of monopoly. Money 
plenty and whisky free, besotted man, who 
drank till crazed, and sold his vote too cheap 
and threw his birthright in. Marshals with U. 
S., bright and bold, stamped upon their 
breasts, swarmed around the polls and clutched 
with murderous hand the weapon of sure death. 
Innocent men were dragged off to jail, while 
thieves, thugs, villians and scoundrels, black 
with crime, with and without citizenship, voted 
and controlled the polls. The farce of popular 
government was again enacted by the district 
system, that monopoly might win her oft-won 
victory and triumph over labor with undis- 
puted sway. 

Here it will be observed that, under the new 
system of basing legislative representation on 
a certain number of votes, instead of basing 
the legislative district on a certain number, 



62 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

each party would at all times and under all 
circumstances, have proportionate legislative 
representation. Congress would then be al- 
ways composed of a representative body of 
supreme law-makers ; while under the district 
system, Congress never can become a repre- 
sentative body. Instance the State now under 
criticism. Here it will be seen that the Anti- 
monopoly party, with 3,000 votes in each of the 
ten districts, would have been entitled to one 
representative in Congress, had the district 
system been exchanged for the basis-vote sys- 
tem of congressional representation for every 
30,000 votes of said party in said State. 

The Greenback party, with 6,000 votes in 
each of the ten districts, would have been en- 
titled to two congressmen ; the Republican 
party, with 9,000 votes in each of the ten dis- 
tricts, would have been entitled to three con- 
gressmen ; the Democratic party with 12,000 
votes in each of the ten districts, would have 
been entitled to only four congressmen, instead 
of which, under the district system, that party 
elected ten congressmen. The State would 
have been represented in Congress by no less 
a number of congressmen. 

Further than this, one would have been an 
Anti-monopolist ; two would have been Green- 
backers ; three would have been Republicans, 
and four would have been Democrats — in all, 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 63 

ten congressmen. Should these four Demo- 
crats offer a bad bill in Congress to become a 
law, the Anti-monopoly and Greenback con- 
gressmen could combine with the Republican 
members and defeat vicious, bad legislation; 
whereas, under the district system, there is no 
opportunity offered the people, as minority 
representation can never gain recognition. 
Besides this bright feature, no earthly power 
could be brought to bear against such an elec- 
tion, while underline district system, every 
power imaginable and every trick possible, 
works evil. 

The monopolist could not exert the least in- 
fluence either by speech, press, politician, 
church, demagogue, persuasion, intimidation, 
tissue ballots, striped ballots, marshals, whisky 
or money. But, under the legislative district 
system, all these evil agencies are employed to 
aid and abet monopoly, assist personal ambi- 
tion, and secure individual selfishness and per- 
sonal aggrandizement. 

Again, the most desirable element compos- 
ing legislative bodies is the minority represen- 
tation, as all reforms begin with minority. 
Again, as plurality representation seldom oc- 
curs under the district system, and always 
under the basis-vote system, then for so im- 
portant representation as this the latter system 
becomes indispensable to national legislation. 



64 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

Again, the absolute justice associated with pro- 
portionate legislative representation in all leg- 
islative bodies makes the basis-vote system all 
the more admirable and essential. Minority 
always was and always will be the true teacher 
of reform ; then why not encourage so valuable 
a teacher, that needed reform may bless the 
people and advance civilization ? The reform 
party can more than hold its own in argument; 
then why not place it on equal footing propor- 
tionately ? 

Under the- district system, controlled by 
monopoly, the reform parties come into exist- 
ence animated by pure motives and grand 
principles, linger awhile, and finally die out for 
want of representation. Parties are greatly 
like children, under the district system, some 
of which are born short-lived and others long. 
So long as a party advocates a good principle 
there is no good reason why it should not exist 
to benefit mankind. Get rid of the district 
system, that such parties may be encouraged 
to live and reform abuses. Of course, such ad- 
vice is not acceptable to corporate monopolies, 
and selfish, arrogant capital, but will do admir- 
ably for the laboring masses to heed, advocate 
and practice. But as this basis-vote system 
would be positive proof against every species 
of fraud common to this fast and selfish age, 
for this reason it may be slow in process of 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 65 

adoption, as the masses move slowly towards 
great reforms. This reform would privilege 
each elector to vote for all the congressmen 
his party was entitled to on the basis of 30,000 
votes, or whatever that basis might be, while 
under the old district system the voter or 
elector votes for only one congressman. 

Besides all these, and numerous other bright 
and essential features, no such thing as estab- 
lishing popular government can ever be made 
real and effectual without first establishing pro- 
■j portionate legislative representation — a thing 
j impossible without the basis-vote system. 
This is all we care now to say upon the subject 
of legislative representation in this chapter, 
but will analyze the system more thoroughly 
in the next chapter, in which we intend intro- 
ducing diagram tickets, ballots, and the like, to 
practically illustrate the new method — or 
rather, old. Mirabeau, of France, advocated 
something similar to this about one hundred 
years ago, while there are some European gov- 
ernments with a similar system now in exist- 
ence. Besides this, Cridge, of San Francisco, 
has written on something similar, and many 
other authors. The State of Illinois, through 
McDill, adopted minority representation for 
the General Assembly of said State, somewhat 
similar. But these references matter not, as 
we think we have said sufficient, at present, 



(if, OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

\ipon the subject to convince any fair-minded 
person of the utter unfitness of the legislative 
district system, of the feasibility, fitness, and 
absolute necessity of adopting the legislative 
basis-vote system in its stead. 






Clikptef Five. 




■Vi/fv -fr& [ 



REFORM THE SUPREME COURT— ABOLISH 

THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE-MAKE THE 

PRESIDENT ELIGIBLE FOR ONLY ONE 

TERM OF OFFICE— TAKE AWAY 

THE VETO, APPOINTING AND 

PARDONING POWER. 



HE Supreme Court of the United 
States will next engage our atten- 
tion, as the law-judging power of a 
nation is of too vast a consequence 
in point of supreme decision to 
slight. Our main objection to the 
Supreme Court is, however, the 
source of existence, time of serv- 
ice, and partisan character, as will be plainly 
: seen, when reviewing the political feature of 
, the present Court, which is composed of nine 
I judges or one chief justice and eight associate 
i justices, one of said Court being of Democratic 
persuasion and eight of Republican. In our 
judgment, no judge should serve after reaching 
his 64th year, nor should any supreme judge 
be eligible to the Supreme Court judgeship 




68 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

until having attained his 40th year. This would 
prevent incapacitating- the Supreme Court with 
youthful inexperience, and the dotage of de- 
clining years, either or both of which could not 
do else than prove objectionable to supreme 
jurisprudence. The worst feature possible, 
presented by the Supreme Court, is that feature 
borrowed from the United States Senate, as 
the senate is an aristocratic body and senate 
agent of corporate monopoly, wholly unrepre- 
sentative, a foreign, useless, worthless, danger- 
ous appendage to popular government, since it 
is an appointed supreme law-making power, 
with power also to confirm the Supreme Court. 
The Court then originates from a second- 
handed institution, not of the people, and an- 
tagonistic to popular government. No su- 
preme judge should exceed an official period 
beyond a term of nine* years on the supreme 
bench. No supreme judge ought to sit in 
judgment upon the supreme bench unless ap- 
pointed to said high and important office by a 
national assembly of supreme legislators elected 
by the people, on the system of proportionate 
legislative representation, based upon a certain 
specified number of legal votes. Such an as- 
sembly ought to be elected for a term of three 
years, and sit in perpetual session, privileged 
to adjourn for two weeks at the close of every 
three months, and not longer than two days at 






OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 69 

any other time. This is all we care to say- 
about either the Supreme Court or National 
Assembly at present, as we expect to more 
fully criticise both in the next chapter, in con- 
sequence of which we dismiss them from 
further comment in this chapter. 

The President of the United States, or Chief 
Executive, and the Electoral College, will next 
claim our attention. As the President is only 
appointed to office instead of being elected, 
we hold that, in point of popular government, 
the Electoral College cannot be viewed in any 
other light than a foreign, dangerous append- 
age. Let us now inquire into this electoral in- 
stitution. According to the last congressional 
apportionment, March 4, the United States 
was entitled to 325 Congressmen. There were 
38 States then in the Union, each of which be- 
ing entitled to, or represented by, two United 
States Senators, equaled 76 ; by adding the 
Senators to the Congressmen, we have 401. 

The second clause of article one provides 
that : " Each State shall appoint, in such a 
manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, 
a number of electors, equal to the whole num- 
ber of Senators and Representatives to which 
the State may be entitled in Congress ; but no 
Senator or Representative or person holding 
an office of trust or profit, under the United 
States, shall be appointed an elector," etc. 



70 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

Here it will be seen that the electoral college 
is composed of electors equal to the number oi 
Senators and Congressmen of each State in the 
Union. Unless combinations are formed by 
national parties represented by presidential 
candidates, each party so represented places 
an electoral ticket in the field, made up from 
the States of the Union. Instance the last 
State under criticism, divided into ten con- 
gressional districts. 

The Anti-monopoly and Greenback parties, 
with Butler for the presidential candidate, 
placed 12 electors on said ticket to be votec 
for, which represented a number equal to the 
two United States Senators and ten members 
of Congress to which said State was entitled. 
The Republican party, with Blaine for presi- 
dential candidate, placed 12 electors on the 
Blaine ticket. The Democratic party, with 
Cleveland for presidential candidate, placed 12 
electors on the Cleveland ticket. In all, 36 
electors on three different national tickets in 
one State. 

One party waged political warfare against 
the other, and on election day presented a 
most disgraceful scene, as each party did its 
best to take advantage of the other. Black 
men of the southern States w r ere frightened 
away from the polls, and in some instances 
killed outright for exercising the right of the 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 71 

ballot, and not casting it to suit certain party 
" bosses." White men in the north were 
44 spotted," knocked down by police, shot down 
by United States marshals, and were dragged 
off to jail for attempting to exercise the free 
ballot of an American citizen against the 
wishes of a dominant, corrupt party, which had 
long since descended into a spoils-hunting 
league. What a grand farce the free ballot 
system has finally got to be, under forms so far 
and foreign to popular government. The pat- 
ronage of more than one hundred thousand 
federal offices is calculated to put considerable 
backbone into worthless old parties. 

The election day finally passed, and the day 
for receiving election returns arrived. Frauds 
were reported and precincts were thrown out. 
However, we purpose confining our criticism 
to a specific State, chosen under review of the 
electoral college system, for the express pur- 
pose of illustrating the method of voting for 
electors instead of voting direct for the Presi- 
dent, as many presume they do. There were 
three parties in the State referred to, two of 
which had combined on their presidential nom- 
inee and electors, the Butler electors being 
supported by the Anti-monopoly and Green- 
back parties, both of which had 90,000 votes in 
the said State. The Blaine electors were sup- 
ported by the Republican party, which had 



72 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

90,000 votes in said State. The Cleveland 
electors were supported by the Democratic 
party, with 120,000 votes in said State. Here 
it will be seen that the 12 Cleveland electors 
were elected, because, with three presidential 
candidates in the field, the Democrats, while 
largely in the minority, cast a larger vote than 
was cast for either of the other two candidates. 
But, then, let us presume right here, that it 
was within the province of possibility to so 
have arranged and conducted the last presi- 
dential campaign, that Butler, with a very few 
electoral votes could have, and doubtless would 
have, been seated in the presidential chair in- 
stead of either Blaine or Cleveland. Butler 
doubtless saw through this whole scheme at 
the time he wrote his famous letter of accept- 
ance and able campaign document, in which he 
urgently advocated fusion with one or the 
other of the old parties in such States where 
his party held the balance of power. Suppose 
the State of Michigan had elected the Butler- 
CLeveland fusion ticket, Butler then would have 
secured six electors. Suppose that all the 
other States had been about equally divided 
with Blaine and Cleveland on the electoral 
vote ; that Blaine had secured 197 electors and 
Cleveland 198. Then suppose that an agree- 
ment had been made and a combination had 
been formed by the Cleveland and Butler, or 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 78 

Blaine and Butler electors; the Butler elect- 
ors agreeing to cast their vote for Hendricks 
or Logan as the case might be, providing that 
the Cleveland or Blaine electors would cast 
their vote for Butler. In either instance But- 
ler would have been seated in the White 
House ; and in either instance Hendricks or 
Logan would have been chosen Vice-President 
of the United States ; w r hile the federal offices 
and public patronage could have been divided 
with either party as an inducement to effect 
such a combination with whichever party saw 
fit to so take advantage of such a fraudulent 
system as the electoral college seems to be 
and certainly is. Why the founders of this re- 
public ever instituted so mischievous an insti- 
tution is more than the stretch of our imagina- 
tion could ever perceive, or why the American 
people have permitted such a miserable insti- 
tution to exist this long is as unanswerable as 
the real object and benefit of the United States 
Senate in a people's government. 

Again, in case a presidential candidate fails 
to secure a majority of all the electors of said 
college, those having the greatest number of 
votes, not to exceed three candidates, go to 
the House of Representatives, where each State 
is entitled to one vote, a majority of which 
elects. Now let us turn back to the presiden- 
tial campaign of 1824, just sixty years from the 



74 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC, 

time Jackson was defeated until the electioi 
of Cleveland occurred. In 1824, Jackson re- 
ceived 99 electoral votes, Adams received 84, 
and Clay received 37. Notwithstanding Jack- 
son received 15 electoral votes more than John 
Quincy Adams, yet Adams was elected Presi- 
dent by the House of Representatives. Will 
the reader be kind enough to point out the 
justice of such a system ? If he cannot justify 
such a result, then will he not agree with the 
writer, that the electoral college is a very bad 
institution and foreign to popular government ? 
There can be no good reason assigned for not 
immediately abolishing an institution fraught 
with so many evil and unjust consequences. 

Again, when we review the presidential 
career of our republic, we find that, in many in- 
stances, presidents secured a majority of the 
electoral college and received a minority of the 
popular vote of the country at the same time. 
Tilden was defeated for the presidency in 1876, 
yet his electors received 250,935 more votes 
than did Hayes' electors. Such an appendage 
to popular government is a shame, outrage and 
disgrace to the American people, for such a 
thing would not be tolerated among the sav- 
ages of Africa. 

The President is intrusted with altogether 
too much power. The legislative power, veto 
power, appointing power and pardoning power, 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. To 

Df right, do not belong to the chief executive. 
Mo President of a republic can be safely in- 
rusted with a power only calculated to be ex- 
ercised by a national legislative assembly, 
:hosen direct from the people ; a power 
usurped by kings, queens, emperors, czars, po- 
tentates and despots. That the reader may 
more fully appreciate our meaning of vastly too 
much power in the hands of the chief magis- 
trate, we will cite him to the abuse of power in 
Grant's administration of "let no guilty man 
escape" — reward. Grant not only abused his 
appointing power by appointing to office nearly 
every poor relative he had, but he vetoed 
nearly every bill offered by Congress for the 
relief of the people, pardoned out, let escape 
from justice and flee from punishment a dis- 
ihonest host of whisky-revenue and Indian- 
' agency thieves, until the names of Joice, Mc- 
Kee, Babcock, Belknap and the like, became 
by-words of reproach to his notoriously corrupt 
\ administration. 

Nor, in the abuse of such power, is Grant's 
administration an exception to the rule, as this 
power has been more or less abused by nearly 
every President from Washington down to 
Arthur. The real duty incumbent upon the 
chief executive relates to the rigid enforcement 
of the laws of his country, in the complete ful- 
fillment of which no time will be devoted to the 



76 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

race-track, pleasure-trip, the card-table or 
sports of the usual kind indulged in by high 
officials. No executive should be intrusted 
with the second term of office. The Presiden- 
tial term of office should be increased to six 
years, making the President ineligible for re- 
election to said office; then he would serve in 
the interest of the people instead of the inter- 
est of party. 

It has been a custom of long standing to per- 
mit the chief magistrate to appoint to office 
the secretary of the treasury, the secretary of 
the interior, the secretary of war, and the sec 
retary of state. This, however, is a great mis 
take, as these offices require to be filled b 
officials of peculiar skill and adaptability, the 
selection of which requires the very best of 
discretion not found in the individual and only 
found and safely to be trusted with the national 
assembly, as heretofore described. 

The foreign ministries, United States marsh- 
als and revenue collectors are of a like charac- 
ter, peculiar adaptability and responsibility. 

The mail precincts should be divided into 
post office districts, from each of which the 
people should elect the postmaster, instead of 
permitting the administration to appoint and 
remove said officials at will, regardless of the 
wishes and protests of the people. Were this 
done, each community would be permitted to 



\ 



OUR XEXT REPUBLIC. 77 

select, by ballot, the public servant of their 
choice. Communities would not then be im- 
posed upon by unfit, disagreeable, disobliging 
public servants, as is too frequeutly the case 
under the appointing system that is daily grow- 
ing so distasteful to the public, setting at 
naught and defiance every feature of popular 
government. 

While writing this book, the United States 
Senate is hard at work against Reagan's inter- 
state commerce bill ; is opposing the forfeiture 
of railroad land grants; is favoring more legis- 
lation in the interest of railroads, land grants, 
national banking and the like, hoping to receive 
-additional strength to carry out their nefarious 
schemes; and, while this Senate agent of mon- 
opoly is opposing every act of legislation in 
the interestof the people, the State Legislature 
of California has just appointed Leland Stan- 
ford, the bonanza railroad king of that State, 
who is worth between eighty and one hundred 
million dollars, United States Senator. Never 
in the history of this government was there a 
time when the United States Senate threatened 
the safety and security of the laboring masses 
as now, or called so loudly for nullification of 
the Senate, and the full and complete estab- 
lishment of popular government. 



Cl^pter $ix. 



UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE— THE BALLOT A SACRED 

BIRTHRIGHT— ABOLISH THE SENATE— ANNUL 

CONGRESS— A NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE 

ASSEMBLY, AND MEN AND WOMEN 
FOR LAW-MAKERS. 




GOVERNMENT of the people, by 
the people, and for the people, 
purely representative in character, 
absolutely republican in form, and 
positively democratic in principle, 
combining all the elements of a 
representative democratic repub- 
lic, ''deriving strength from the 
consent of the governed," with supreme power 
vested in representatives elected by the people, 
in whose sovereign capacity remains alone the 
power of self-government, based purely upon 
the science of political philosophy that long 
since should have, but never has yet, blessed 
any of the nations of the earth, forms the broad 
and logical basis of popular government, to 
which reason and justice alone must.be con- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 79 

lined. Universal suffrage, proportionate legis- 
ative representation, and choice of the su- 
preme magistrate by the popular vote of the 
people, are leading, essential elements of such 
a system, forming and constituting attributes 
3f popular sovereignty. 

As political philosophy teaches that a cor- 
rect conclusion cannot be attained from an in- 
correct premise, then the supreme verdict ren- 
dered from the very highest authority govern- 
ing reason and logic of the science of govern- 
ment is, that the body politic cannot be free 
from political corruption without drawing its 
life-blood from the veins of the governed. Po- 
litical philosophy also teaches that the best 
system of government can only emanate from 
the highest moral source ; and the statistics 
of this and all other nations show that woman's 
moral character and condition by far exceeds 
the morals of man, in evidence of which the 
completion and still further perfection of pop- 
ular government becomes impossible without 
guaranteeing to woman all the political rights 
guaranteed to man. Deny to woman these 
(political rights, and you wantonly trample the 
.'science of political philosophy under foot, 
snatch from justice her brightest jewel, and 
rob government of her purest moral element 
with which to build. In view of these impor- 
tant facts in the true light of history, statistics 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 






and political philosophy, may not woman with 
perfect security be invited to the theatre of 
State, to perform with man those difficult feats 
so poorly acted in the absence of her bright 
genius, benign influence, and purity of moral 
character in the civil drama, regarding obedi- 
ence to the moral law and civil code as suitable 
guarantees to fitness and responsibility ? 

The ballot is of vastly more importance to 
the citizen than any other right enjoyed under 
civil authority. It is the sacred property, nat- 
ural right, and holy birthright of every man 
and woman of sound mind and suitable age, a 
right that should not be forfeited or surren- 
dered for a less offense than criminality. 
When once forfeited, that sacred privilege and 
human right should never again be restored by 
process of criminal restoration, by and through 
which penalty, no greater humiliation, shame 
or disgrace could attach itself to the disfran- 
chised citizen, who would and ought to be 
shunned in society as the disgusting leper 
among men and women more fortunate- and 
less criminal, more obedient to law and 1< 
obnoxious to society — justice could inflict no 
less a punishment for so high and holy a for- 
feiture. Such are the sacred attributes of the 
ballot guaranteed by popular government. 

Political dependency would then be changed 
for independence. Both sexes would then be 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 81 

put on trial to compete for true merit. Shake 
loose the chains that to-day bind woman a 
political slav'e among men, and she will stand 
proudly by his side the peer of power and dig- 
nity, mental and moral worth. Possessed of 
such power, composed of such noble qualities 
imparted alone by nature, she becomes the 
most formidable element of society and state. 
Sought on every hand, she wields a moral in- 
fluence and civic power that ages ago should 
■ have been welcomed by a higher and nobler 
civilization. 

Having arrived at that poini of discussion 
where man and woman are alike eligible to the 
ballot and same office, we will now call popu- 
lar government into existence, by organizing 
the legislative, judicial and executive depart- 
ments. The legislative department is the most 
essential branch of government, and should be 
so uniformly composed and thoroughly repre- 
sentative in its organization as to be perfectly 
free from contaminating influences. Propor- 
tionate legislative representation is the only 
method imparting such virtue, based upon a cer- 
tain, uniform number of legal votes. For sake 
of argument, we will base the legislative repre- 
sentation on 60,000. That is, for every 60,000 
legal votes each and every party in existence 
would be entitled to a legislative representative, 
or two if a majority fraction over 60,000. Hav- 



82 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

ing abolished the United States Senate, we will 
proceed to organize a National Assembly in 
place of Congress, and instead of calling our 
legislators Congressmen, we will call them 
Representatives. All legislative power should 
be vested in a National Legislative Assembly. 
That Legislative Assembly should be composed 
of Representatives, elected to office on the uni- 
form basis of 60,000 legal votes or majority 
fraction over, of whatever party. The said 
members should be elected for a term of three 
years and sit in perpetual session, privileged 
to adjourn not longer than two weeks at a time, 
at the close of every three months, and not 
longer than two days at any other time. Each 
Representative should be compelled to vote 
yes or no on every bill brought before said 
Assembly, and said bill and vote should be 
published in a monthly record, furnished to 
every legal voter in the land. The National 
Legislative Assembly should have jurisdiction 
over all appointments, all pardons and im- 
peachments ; should have power to raise a rev- 
enue, an army and navy ; declare war and 
make peace ; make appropriations, contract 
alliance, settle all affairs domestic and foreign. 
All bills, motions, resolutions and the like 
should be adopted by majority vote. 

To illustrate how perfectly natural, easy, 
simpl'e, practical, feasible, just and essential 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 83 

proportionate legislative representation is, we 
will herewith submit diagrams fully illustrating 
the ballot and manner of election under the 
new system of basing representation on a cer- 
tain number of votes, say 60,000 men and 
vvomen who are of sound mind and proper age, 
instituting enfranchised citizens. Our first 
diagram will relate to a national election by 
,:wo parties. Our second diagram w r ill relate 
:o a national election by three parties. Our 
:hird diagram will relate to a national election 
3y four parties; and our fourth diagram will 
:elate to a national election by five parties. 
We will confine our illustrations to one State, 
31* territory, for what can be accomplished in 
Dne State or territory can also be accomplished 
■ every State in the Union an$l territory out 
:>f the Union. 

Supposing that fractions may occur to any 
oarty, we will say that each party is entitled to 
1 Representative for every 60,000 votes, and 
3ne additional for majority fraction over. Then 
nhere would be but little or no loss of votes to 
nake the said basis-vote system an objection. 
By this we mean that a party, whether in a 
ptate or territory, may be represented in the 
National Legislative Assembly by a Represen- 
tative, as soon as said party had attained sixty 
thousand votes. If said party had attained a 
majority fraction more than sixty thousand 



84 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

votes, then said party would be entitled to two 
Representatives, as the ratio is based on 60,000. 
No party would be entitled to representation 
without having attained this uniform ratio in 
the various States and territories belonging to 
the United States government. But if two 
weak parties should combine and vote for the 
same candidate, then the two parties would oc- 
cupy the same relation as one party and be en- 
titled to the same representation. 

The party ticket of each State or territory 
would contain the same number of candidates 
to be voted for that said State or territory was 
entitled to under proportionate legislative rep- 
resentation. For instance, a certain State has 
350,000 legal votes ; divide said number by 
60,000 and you have five and a majority frac- 
tion. Said State, then, would be entitled to 
six Representatives in the National Assembly. 
Each party ticket or ballot would contain that 
number of candidates to be voted for, and, ii 
said party cast no more than sixty thousand 
votes, candidate number one would then be 
elected. If a majority fraction more than sixty 
thousand, then candidates numbers one and 
two would be elected. If a majority fraction 
more than one hundred and twenty thousand, 
then candidates numbers 1, 2 and 3 would be 
elected. If a majority fraction more than one 
hundred and eighty thousand, then candidates 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

numbers I, 2, 3 and 4 would be elected. If a 
majority fraction more than two hundred and 
forty thousand, then candidates numbers 1, 2, 
3, 4 and 5 would be elected. If a majority frac- 
tion more than three hundred thousand, then 
candidates numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 would be 
elected to the National Legislative Assembly, 
as the vote is general, numerically, beginning 
with number 1, 2,3,4, 5, 6 and soon. Candidate 
1 being first elected, candidate 2 being second 
elected, candidate 3 being third elected, candi- 
date 4 being fourth elected, candidate 5 being 
fifth elected, candidate 6 being sixth elected, 
and so on to the end of the list of representation 
to which each State and territory would be en- 
titled on the ratio of 60,000, and one additional 
for the majority fraction over, which is any 
number exceeding thirty thousand on the ratio 
of sixty thousand votes. 

Here it will be seen that, by this method, 
the elector votes for all the Representatives 
his or her party may elect to the National As- 
sembly from each State and territory, while 

1 under the district system, the elector would be 
privileged to vote for but one. 

As national legislation affects the interest of 
every person, the people so affected should be 

; privileged to choose as many of said law-mak- 
ers as possible ; hence the superior advantage 
of the new system over the old. 



86 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

In case a Representative should die or be 
ineligible to office, then it would be necessary 
to have a successor to fill the unexpired term. 
The party to whom said deceased or ineligible 
Representative belonged, could let the defeated 
candidate standing highest numerically fill said 
vacancy without necessitating an election. 

We will now organize a State under the pro- 
portionate legislative system, with correspond- 
ing illustrations. We will presume that in the 
State of Maryland there are a majority fraction 
over three hundred thousand legal votes, not 
very equally divided between the Democratic 
and Republican parties. The State would then 
be entitled to six Representatives. Each party 
would place six candidates for the National 
Legislative Assembly on its ticket or ballot, 
the campaign being made with these twelve 
candidates, six of whom will be elected. We 
will presume that the Democratic party makes 
the best canvass and secures the majority frac- 
tion. The election day is at hand, and the 
electors of each party must vote for their re- 
spective candidates. The Democratic party 
casts 215,000 votes and the Republican party 
,115,000. Here it will be seen that the Demo- 
crats elect four of the Representatives and the 
Republicans elect two, in the following manner 
as illustrated in diagrams A and B : — 



OVk NEXT REPUBLIC. 



HI 



DIAGRAM A. 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 



Holton, H. B. . . . 
McComas, L. E. 

Davis, R. T 

Long, J. D 

Russell, W. A. 
Hatch, H. H... 



DIAGRAM B. 

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 



I 


4 


Covington, G. W. . 


i 


2 


2 


Talbott, J. F. C 


2 


3 


s 


Hoblizell, F. S.. . . 


s 


4 


3 


Findley, J. V. L. . . 


4 


5 


6 


Cameron, J. F 


S 


6 


i 


Brown, J. T 


6 



Referring the reader to diagram A, it will be 
'seen that Davis and Long are elected by the 
Republican party, while in diagram C, the 
Democratic party elect Brown, Talbott, Find- 
fjley and Covington to the National Legislative 
■! Assembly. Davis, who was candidate number 
3 on the Republican ticket, was changed to 
number i ; and Long, who was candidate num- 
ber 4, was changed to number 2 by the elector 
who voted or cast said ballot. Referring to 
the Democratic ticket, it appears that the 
electors changed candidate number 6 to i, left 
^candidate number 2 unchanged, changed can- 
didate number 4 to 3, candidate 1 to 4, candi- 
date number 5 to 7, and number 3 to 5. This 
accounts for the election of 1 and 2 on the Re- 
publican ballot and for the election of 1, 2, 3 
and 4, on the Democratic ballot; the Repub- 
lican party having cast the majority fraction 
( over 60,000, and the Democratic party having 
cast the majority fraction over 180,000. By 



88 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

this system, no calculation can be made as to 
who will be elected, as the elector can change 
the number of any candidate agreeably to his 
or her wish. The right hand column of figures 
is printed on said ticket numerically, corres- 
ponding with the candidates. The left hanc 
column is arranged by the elector, and is the 
only column tallied by the board of election. 
By thissystem the designing individual andcor- 
poration are shut clear out, cannot influence 
the election, defeat or secure the election or 
unfit legislators. Party strife, part}' worship 
and party rings are broken asunder. Reform 
parties are encouraged by representation. 
Better laws encourage the people. Minority, 
the great teacher of reform, has at last tri- 
umphed and is heard in the National Legisla- 
tive Assembly. Labor is king by being at 
least made the true basis for political action 
Popular government is regenerated, and a new 
era blesses mankind. The barbaric Senate 
at last abolished. The people's Representa 
tives are now the supreme law-makers of th 
land. Aristocratic minority no longer dictates 
to majority, blocks the wheels of progress, or 
robs labor to enrich capital. 



Cliciptei* Sever). 



MODE OF ELECTION— DIAGRAM BALLOTS— LEGIS- 
LATORS NUMERICALLY ELECTED— EFFECT 
OF PROPORTIONATE LEGISLATIVE REP- 
RESENTATION—THE WEAK MADE 
STRONG, MAN BETTER, 
WOMAN NO WORSE. 



E will now proceed to organize an- 
other State election under this sys- 
tem where there are three parties in 
the field. We will presume that in 
the State of California there are 
three hundred and fifty thousand 
legal voters, controlled by the Re- 
publican, Democratic and Anti- 
monopoly parties. Of said vote, we will pre- 
sume there are more Republicans than Demo- 
crats, more Democrats than Anti-monopolists. 
By the ratio of sixty thousand votes, said State 
would be entitled to six representatives ; but, 
by being entitled to one representative for 
every sixty thousand votes, and additional rep- 
resentation for the majority fraction over sixty 
thousand, said State will gain one representa- 




90 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 






tive. Here it will be observed that in Califor- 
nia, where the Republican party have 155,000 
votes, the Democratic party 100,000, and the 
Anti-monopoly party 95,000, the representa 
tion of said State increases from six to seven 
representatives. A thing that would fre- 
quently occur, yet practicable, as each party 
would vote for more candidates than said party 
could elect, as will be shown in diagrams A 
B andC:— 



DIAGRAM A. 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 



Brown, S 

Arthur, K 

Emerson, J. II . 
Edmonds, K . . . 

Cabeen, M 

Roberts, C. F. . 



1 

2 
3 
4 

5 
6 



DIAGRAM B. 

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 

1 Morton I 

6 Jones, J. R 



Lane, J. 
Snow, E . . 
Lawrence, M . 
Barnes, R. . 



DIAGRAM C. 

NATIONAL ANTI-MONOPOLY 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 



Smith, J. B 

Hendricks, E. H. 

Clarke, D 

Carlisle, M. J. . . . 
Hatch, O. R . . . 
Post, C. C 



By this system the representatives are 
elected numerically, beginning with number 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 91 

one and following in regular order, consecu- 
tively ; that is, number one on the left hand 
margin is elected before number two, and num- 
bers one and two before three, and numbers 
one, two and three before number four, and 
so on to the end of the list. The numbers on 
the left hand margin are always placed oppo- 
site to the candidate by the elector. This al- 
lows each voter to choose by number the one 
desired as, first, second, third, fourth, fifth, 
sixth choice, and so on. 

Having made this plain to the reader, we 
will now illustrate how Edmonds, Cabeen and 
Roberts, in diagram A, became elected. You 
see that, if the figures had not been changed by 
the elector, from 4 to i, from 5 to 2, and from 
6 to 3, 4, 5 and 6 would have been defeated, 
because said party only elects three out of the 
six, and those elected begin with number one 
on the left hand margin, said numbers being 
placed there by the elector, representing choice 
of candidate. So it was that Edmonds became 
first choice w r ith the elector who voted said 
ticket, Cabeen second choice, and Roberts 
third; but, if numbers 4, 5 and 6 had remained 
unchanged, then the first three would have 
been elected. It will be noticed that in dia- 
gram B, number 1 remains unchanged, also 4, 
but, as the Democrats elected only two Repre- 
sentatives out of six, 1 and 2 on left hand 



92 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

margin represent the first and second choice 
of the elector, Morton and Barnes. Morton 
remained unchanged, while Barnes was changed 
from 6 to 2, so it was that Morton and Barnes 
became the lucky candidates. In diagram C, 
the lucky members remain unchanged, as the 
Anti-monopoly party elected two Represent- 
atives, Smith and Hendricks. If they had 
elected three, Hatch would have been the 
choice, as he came next in succession corres- 
ponding with I and 2, but, as said party cast a 
majority fraction over sixty thousand, it could 
elect but two Representatives, Smith number 
i, first choice, and Hendricks number 2, second 
choice. Here it will be seen that Smith and 
Hendricks were favorites with the electors who 
voted for them. Had they not been, then I 
and 2 would have been placed opposite to the 
ones first in choice. But as they were not, we 
take it for granted that Smith and Hendricks 
were the ones the Anti-monopoly party wished 
and worked for. 

This brings us to the organization of another 
State, represented by four parties. For con- 
venience sake, we will take the State of Michi- 
gan, supposing the Republican party to be the 
most numerous, Democratic party next in num- 
bers, Greenback party next, and the Anti-mon- 
opoly party next to the Greenback party in 
population. Basing the legislative representa- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 



93 



tion on 60,000 votes, and additional represent- 
ation for a majority fraction over 60,000, we 
will presume there are 650,000 legal voters in 
said State; that of said number, there are 210,- 
000 Republicans, 175,000 Democrats, 150,000 
Greenbackers and 1 15,000 Anti-monopolists. 



DIAGRAM A. 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 



11 

9 
10 

\l 

4 
3 

!i 

2 
I 



Boutwell, C 


1 


Cadwell, R. C 


2 


Forbes, A. J 


3 


Maxwell, T 


4 


Buterworth, M . . . . 


S 


Innis, R. W 


6 


Mortimer, J 


7 


Alexander, S 


8 


Francis, J. Q 


9 


Bushnell, C 


10 


Barber, A. R 


11 



DIAGRAM C. 

NATIONAL GREENBACK 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 



11 

4 
1 
8 
5 
9 
7 



Rollins, S 

Anderson, T 

Robertson, W . . . . 
Van Horn, W. A. 

Yaples, A. J 

Gosgrove, M 

Henngerford, S. . . 
Griswold, R. H. . . 

Harding, L 

Peters, O. J 

Carter, D. E 



DIAGRAM B. 

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 



4 
5 

1 

7 

10 
2 
6 
8 
11 
3 
9 



Hall, S. R... 
Wright, I. N. 

Hughes, T 

Thome, J 

Morish, T. A. . 

Taylor, S 

Dewy, A. 1 . . 
Cronk, M. R. . 
Passmore, T. . . 
Bucner, O. H . 
Marion, S. J . . 



1 
2 
3 
4 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
10 
1 1 



DIAGRAM D. 

NATIONAL ANTI-MONOPOLY 
TICKET. 

For National Assembly. 



I 


6 


2 


3 


3 


9 


4 


5 


5 


1 1 


6 


10 J 


7 


2 


8 


7 I 


9 


l l 


10 


8 


11 


4 



Spencer, R. . 
Bisbie, S. H. . . 
Baldwin, A. . . 
Burkey, W. A . 
Heath, B. S... 
10 jLamb, R. J. . . 
Little, N. A. . . 
Longfellow, C. 
Walker, A . . . . 
Cloud, D. H. . 
Bartlett, M 



9 
10 
11 



94 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

This election will require four tickets, with 
eleven candidates on each ticket. Diagram A 
will represent the Republican party, diagram 
B will represent the Democratic party, dia- 
gram C will represent the Greenback party, 
and diagram D will represent the Anti-monop- 
oly party. (For diagrams, see page 93.) 

Diagram A shows that the Republicans, who 
cast 215,000 votes, elected Barber, Bushnell, 
Innis and Buterworth. Diagram B shows that 
the Democrats, who cast 170,000 votes, elected 
Hughes, Taylor and Bucner. Diagram C 
shows that the Greenback party cast 140,000 
votes, and elected Yaples and Carter ; while 
diagram D shows that the Anti-monopoly 
party cast 125,000 votes, and elected Heath 
and Taylor, making in all, eleven Representa- 
tives to the National Legislative Assembly; 4 
Republicans, 3 Democrats, 2 Greenbackers and 
2 Anti-monopolists. And, the moral of this 
system prevents the election of one solitary 
agent of monopoly ; from the fact that neither 
newspaper, money nor trickery can control 
such a system, as the monopolist knows not 
where to expend his money or lay his wires to 
manipulate the election. The district system 
is gone, and the evil-doer and despoiler of our 
nation vanishes with it, while Representatives 
of reform parties have gained entrance to the 
National Legislative Assembly, to be heard 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 95 

and respected, listened to and heeded, teach- 
ing reform and advancement, forming combi- 
nations, defeating bad legislation and securing 
good. No Congressional district, no oppres- 
sion. 

We will now proceed with our last illustra- 
tion, exemplifying proportionate legislative 
representation, by organizing a campaign with 
five parties in the field, to illustrate how com- 
binations can be formed and representation 
secured. We will presume that in the State of 
Massachusetts there are 700,000 men and 
I women eligible to the ballot, who, on the ratio 

• of one representative to every 60,000 votes, 
and one additional for the majority fraction 

• over 60,000, would entitle said State to twelve 
1 Representatives in the National Legislative 
! Assembly. We will presume there are 200,000 

Republican votes, 175,000 Democratic, 115,000 
Greenback, 55,000 Anti-monopoly, 1 15,000 Pro- 
hibition and 40,000 American. Here, you see, 
! we have six parties, but, as there is little differ- 
I ence in the principles advocated by the Green- 
back and Anti-monopoly parties, these parties 
j combine into one, or become known as the 
i People's party, in order to secure one more 
Representative. The Greenback party has 
votes enough to elect two Representatives, but 
by combining with the Anti-monopoly party, 
the two parties by said combination secure 



96 



OUR NEXT RKPUBLIC. 



three Representatives. Had they not com- 
bined, then Massachusetts would have been 
represented by only eleven, instead of twelve 
Representatives. This however, would seldom 
occur, as such combinations would only be 
formed to secure as large a representation as 
possible by reform parties of similar character ; 
hence, the feasibility of the system. 

Diagram A represents the Republican party 
ballot ; diagram B represents the Democratic 
ballot ; diagram C represents the People's 
party ballot ; diagram D represents the Prohi- 
bition party ballot, and diagram E represents 
the American part}' ballot. 





DIAGRAM A. 




REPUBLICAN. 


12 


Cameron, Mrs. O. . 


6 


Cambden, J. A. . . . 


ii 


Call, Miss L 


3 


Beck, John 


IO 


Blair, J. S 


i 


Bayard, Mrs. i 


S 


Gorman, Miss E .. . 


2 


Gibson, I. O 


4 


Garland, Miss A. 


9 


Hawley, J. R 


5 


Jackson, A. J 


7 


Adams, Mrs. A. L. 



I 

2 

3 
4 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
io 
ii 

12 



DIAGRAM B. 

DEMOCRATIC. 

3 Jones, K. S 

8 Morey, Miss 

5 Mitchell, O. II 
2 Morgan, M I 

12 Palmer, ]. S 

i Pngh, E. R 

lumb, Mi 

6 Eaton, John. . . . 
u Ellis, Mrs. A. S. 

4 [Ellwood, Mrs. D. 

7 Graves, R 

9 Greene. A. J 



4 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
io 
1 1 

\2 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 



97 



DIAGRAM C. 
PEOPLE'S. 



Butler, B. F 

Anthony, Miss S. B, 

Talbott, Mrs. L. S. 

8 iDibrell, J. S 

ro Davis, O. T 

7 I Henderson, S. R. . . 

Beach, Mrs. S. L. . . 

Bayne, Miss C 

Belford, T. J 

5 Mansfield, Mrs. T • 
4 Stowe, Mrs. H. B. . 
2 Stanton, Mrs. E. C. 



i 

2 

3 
4 
5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
io 
1 1 

12 



4 

6 

io 

n 



DIAGRAM D. 

PROHIBITION. 

St. John, P 

Cobb, J. Q 

Curtin, Mrs. ML . 
Carlisle, Miss S. L 
Hardy, Mrs. S. E. 
Hart, Mrs. M. A. . 

Foran, S. R 

Fyan, T. S 

Hancock, Miss D. 

Brewer, A. L 

Vance, O. J 

Camron, N. M. . . 



I 

2 

3 
4 
5 
6 

7 
S 

9 
io 
ii 

12 



DIAGRAM K. 

AMERICAN. 

GofT, A. P 

George, Miss L. . . . 2 
Blackburn, O. I.. . 
Budd, Mrs. C. A. . 

Brumm, J. R ! 5 

Clay, Mrs. O 6 

Campbell, A. H . . . 7 

Slater, B. J 8 

Cupidy, Miss E. . . . 9 

Mahone, Mrs. S . . . 10 

Cook, J. A 11 

Hale, U. P 12 



DIAGRAM F. 

Blank Form of Ballot. 



1 

2 
3 
4 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
10 
11 
12 



The Republican party, having cast 200,000 
votes, were entitled to four representatives. 
Diagram A illustrates the manner in which the 
twelve candidates were voted for and elected. 
Candidates numbers one, two, three and four 
are the ones elected, however. That is, 1, 2, 3 
and 4 on the left hand column, which, of course, 



98 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

indicates the election of Mrs. C. Bayard, I. O. 
Gibson, John Beck and Mrs. A. Garland, as 
members to the National Assembly. The Dem- 
ocrats, having cast 175,000 votes, were entitled 
to three representatives. Diagram B illus- 
trates the manner in which they were elected, 
showing that E. R. Pugh, Mrs. O. Morgan and 
R, S. Jones, being 1, 2, and 3, were duly elected 
members of the National Legislative Assem- 
bly. The People's party cast 170,000 votes, 
and were entitled to three representatives. 
Diagram C illustrates the manner in which 
they were elected, 1 remaining unchanged, 
12 being changed to 2, and 2 being changed 
to 3, indicating the election of B. F. Butler, 
Mrs. E. C. Stanton and Miss S. B. Anthony, 
or candidates 1, 2, and 3. The Prohibition 
party, however, cast 115,000 votes, and were 
entitled to two representatives. Diagram 1) 
illustrates the manner in which they were 
elected, showing that P. St. John was placed 
at the head of the ticket, or candidate number 
I, remaining unchanged, while candidate 3 
was changed to 2, which, of course, indicates 
the election of P. St. John and Mrs. M. Curtin, 
being 1 and 2 in the left hand column. The 
American party, however, cast only 40,000 
votes, which, of course, being less than the 
ratio of representation, prevented said party 
from electing. But had said party gained 



OUR ATEXT REPUBLIC, 

20,000 more votes, Mrs. C. A. Budd would then 
have been elected member of the National 
Legislative Assembly. Diagram F simply 
illustrates the blank ticket or ballot. The can- 
didates are printed on said ticket to correspond 
with 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 1 1 and 12 ; but 
the elector can change any of said numbers to 
whatever candidate he or she may wish. All 
votes are decided numerically, candidate 1 
having preference over candidate number 2, 
and so on to the end of the candidates voted 
for as first, second, third, fourth and fifth choice, 
and so on. The five tickets, ballots, or dia- 
grams fully illustrate five parties, each of which 
being entitled to twelve candidates, or repre- 
sentation to which said State was entitled, 
places sixty competitors for the National Leg- 
islative Assembly in the field, not one of which 
number can, by any possible means, tell who 
will be elected until the ballot is cast and 
counted up. This would prevent betting on 
such an election, and induce each party to put 
forward the very best and most able statesmen 
and law-makers of the land. Capital could 
■ no longer control our elections. Labor would 
be made the true basis for political action, and 
persons possessing true merit and real ability 
would be sought, voted for and elected to of- 
ifice. The subsidized press, wily politician, 
'doubtful demagogue and scheming agent of 



100 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

monopoly, would play their role no more. 
Good laws and a wholesome government wouk 
go far toward blessing the people. Man anc 
woman would counsel together, peace, har- 
mony, prosperity and plenty would reign 
supreme, where now discord, poverty, crime 
and oppression curse labor and the human 
race. 

Presuming that our national election has 
been held in all the States and territories on 
this plan or system ; that the congress of the 
United States, divided into a senate and house 
of representatives, has been changed into a 
National Legislative Assembly, in which will 
assemble, say five hundred bright, intelligent 
men and women, representatives of all parties 
having attained sixty thousand votes, there to 
remain in perpetual session to deliberate well, 
cool and collectively upon necessary legislation. 

Think of it, and of this grave responsibility. 
A National Legislative Assembly empowered 
to make all national laws ; make every appoint- 
ment not provided for with the ballot ; impeach 
the guilty official and pardon the deserving ; 
settle all national affairs, both foreign and 
domestic. Think again of this grave responsi- 
bility, then compare the old system to the new ; 
the congress of to-day with the National Leg- 
islative Assembly of to-morrow. Think of the 
vexations, complications, and imperfections 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 101 

arising out of the old system in ten thousand 
ways. Think of the short, heated, and excited 
session of congress, through which important 
legislation and appropriations are crowded, then 
compare such haste, indiscretion and imperfec- 
tion to the sober, patient research and cool 
deliberation that such laws and appropriations 
ought to and doubtless would receive at the 
hands of the proper representatives under the 
new system in the National Legislative Assem- 
bly. Think of the limited power said congress 
possesses when it requires two thirds of the senate 
and house of representatives to enact a law not 
desired by the president, then compare said 
power, delay and defeat to the assembly in 
which is vested power to pass any law by 
majority. Think of the power vested in the 
senate composed of the agents of chartered 
monopolies, of the dangers to the country of 
these Leland Stanfords, Paynes, Fairs, Sawyers, 
Camerons, Browns, Bowens, Hills, Tabers, Mill- 
ers, Plumbs, Shermans, Jones, Herkimers, and 
the like, that to-day crowd the United States 
senate and control every act of national legisla- 
tion, and jurisprudence. Think of the influence 
of these wealthy millionaire corporation capit- 
alists upon national legislation and supreme 
court decision. Think of the land grants, rail- 
road charters, and national bank charters this 
aristocratic senate agent of monopoly has se- 



102 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

cured. Think of the valuable legislation these 
millionaire senators have defeated when such 
legislation interfered with their individual inter- 
est, such as the house bills to forfeit more than 
seventy millions of acres of unearned railroad 
lands, the Reagan interstate commerce bill and 
the like. Think of the contaminating influence 
of such a senate with power to create the supreme 
court and benefit by said court's decisions, char- 
acteristic of the Joy land case and the like. Com- 
pare the legislation that would issue from an 
intelligent body of representatives in perpetua 
session in a National Legislative Assembly 
where time, research, and cool deliberation 
would give origin to pure, just, and wholesome 
laws, unknown to congress, where the agents 
of monopoly and extortion assemble to crowc 
in a short, heated session such laws and appro- 
priations characterstic of the past vicious 
system of monopoly and personal aggrandize- 
ment — crowded through in hot haste to escape 
the attention of an otherwise indignant, out- 
raged public, setting at naught and defiance 
every feature of popular government. 

Compare again the old system to the new] 
relating to proportionate legislative represent- 
ation. In the south, the white and black pop- 
ulation are about equal ; but, owing to the dis- 
trict system, the blacks are almost entirely 
without representation, because the local gov- 



OUR NEXT RE PUBLIC. 103 

cniments are in the hands of the white popu- 
lation, who take every precaution to so district 
and re-district the legislative district that such 
legislation renders the black race, powerless. 
If the black race ever gain ascendancy, then 
the same evil will be promptly and severely 
inflicted upon the white race. 

The legislative district system is certainly 
fraught with many dangers, and should be 
abolished. Again, under the basis-vote system 
or proportionate legislative representation, all 
races and sexes could be alike represented. The 
negro could form into a separate party, by 
which means representation could not be de- 
nied the black race. The women, both black 
and white, could form separate parties and 
gain recognition by the same means. This in- 
dependent feature alone w r ould revolutionize 
both thought and action. Competition for of- 
ficial position would urge character, education, 
ability, fitness and responsibility to the highest 
state of human perfection. Woman, by the 
love of elevation and advancement, by motives 
of state instead of fashion, would lay aside fri- 
i volity, exchange the novel for history, the ro- 
\ mance for law, the sensational story for sci- 
ence, the gossip for politics, become independ- 
ent where now she is dependent, be respected 
where now she is disrespected, become a power 
in the land where now she is powerless. Moral 



104 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

ethics would inspire man, and he would become 
no less elevated, respected, refined, polished 
and powerful in the grandest march of the 
highest civilization known, surrounded on every 
side and on every hand with competition and 
becoming influences that inspire the very scul 
of man to motives of purity and deeds of valor 
found nowhere linked to any one system of 
less importance than popular sovereignty, how- 
ever paradoxical it may seem. 










CVaptef Siglit. 



POWER OF MONEY— LAW ALONE IMPARTS MON- 
ETARY VALUE— FUNCTIONS OF MONEY— PA- 
PER MONEY SUPERIOR TO COIN— ARTI- 
CLES USED FOR MONEY— COURT 
DECISION— THE PATRIOT. 




HILE " the love of money" is said to 
be " the root of all evil," yet money 
is the great agent of development, 
and a source of much good. Money 
is the invention of man — artificial, 
and subject to artificial changes. 
Money was invented by man to 
facilitate exchanges, trade and 
commerce. It is a medium of exchange and 
measure of value. It is a creature of law, and 
legitimate offspring of civil government. Its 
functions are debt-paying, value-measuring and 
product-distributing. It should be adequate 
to the demands of labor in order to facilitate 
the distribution of the products of industry. 
It should be made and controlled by the fed- 
eral government. It should be made of that 
material possessing the greatest utility, made 
a full legal tender for all debts, public and 



106 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

private, issued in sufficient volume that the in- | 
terest on loans and taxes of the country would \ 
ever remain below the net profit of the product 
of industry. It would then be based upon all 
the wealth, the wisdom and intelligence of the 
nation, while its volume and portability would 
ever tend to strengthen trade and commerce 
and keep labor in the ascendency. 

We know of no material imparting such util- 
ity, out of which money is made, aside from 
paper. While money is truly the measure of 
value, yet we should always bear in mind that 
value is ideality. Value is established by the 
judgment of man or individuals, after which it 
is measured, conveyed, or legally canceled 
with money. Mr. Reader, you and I may dif- 
fer in regard to the value of a certain thing; 
our judgment is then called into action to de- 
cide upon the value of that particular thing. 
After showing up the merits and demerits of 
whatever that particular thing may be, we 
finally establish its value, and that value is then 
measured to the one parting with that partic- 
ular thing ; you, for instance, receive the 
money or measure of value, while I receive in 
exchange for that money that particular thing. 
You, for instance, possess the money and I the 
article. I have the value in the article, and 
you have the value of that article in money. 

The States of this union have delegated to 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 107 

the United States congress and chief executive 
of the union, the right to "fix the standard of 
weights and measures ;" and they have also 
prohibited any State from " coining money or 
emitting bills of credit." Is not this restric- 
tion of the State sufficient evidence that the 
federal government possesses said power ? 
Through this delegated right we do know that 
the United States government has brought into 
existence, among other measures, the bushel, 
by clothing it with the attributes of law that 
make it an exact, specific measure of quantity. 
The government has said that " eight gallons 
shall be a bushel." Not that eight, seven, six 
or nine may, but that exactly eight shall ! 
This shall! is the goverment's fiat. "Let it 
be done ; a command to do something ; an im- 
perative or decisive command ; a decree," says 
Webster, and all the courts must honor said 
command, or else we have no government. 
This is the supreme command of the superior 
power, honored by the inferior. The function 
of a bushel measure is to measure quantity, 
and it measures quantity from all to all alike 
without the least discrimination, because it is 
an exact, specific measure of quantity, clothed 
by the strong arm of the law. 

This measure, like unto money, is artificial, 
and subject to artificial changes only ; because 
it was invented by man to facilitate the meas- 



108 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

urement of quantity, grain, etc. Then what 
would wisdom suggest ? Why, that it be 
made out of that material having the greatest 
utility to facilitate an easy measurement of ex- 
act quantity. For that reason wc do not make 
the bushel measure out of cumbersome metal, 
but light wood instead, which is more conven 
ient. The bushel measure is beyond improve 
ment, exact and perfect. The great trouble 
with money is that it lacks improvement, for 
that reason it is made out of metal instead of 
paper. 

And it would be as difficult to make perfect 
money out of metal as it would a perfect bushel 
measure out of thin India rubber. The coin 
would change in value just in proportion to the 
expansion and contraction of the rubber. 
Therefore, neither material is suitable. You 
see, we always rely upon the stamp of the gov- 
ernment, and if metal lacks the stamp it will 
not perform the functions of money ; neither 
would the bushel measure perform its peculiar 
function of measuring quantity were the law or 
stamp of the government removed. 

Perfect measures never change of their own 
accord. They are always changed by enact- 
ment, or else remain unchanged. Perfect 
money never changes without enactment, while 
all the products of labor are subject to change 
in exact proportion to demand and supply, 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 109 

production and consumption. Consumption 
• creates demand, and labor supplies the demand. 
. A large volume of money increases consump- 
I tion. The more money we have, the more of 
everything will we possess. Civilizationteaches 
man, that as he becomes more civilized, the 
the more and more will he surround himself 
with the comforts of life. Thus does he call 
I labor into requisition to produce what a higher 
i state of civilization demands. Money, when 
; performing its proper functions, goes from hand 
to hand, paying debts, discharging legal obli- 
gations, going from the tailor to the shoemaker ; 
from the shoemaker to the miller for flour ; 
from the miller to the machinist for machinery ; 
from the machinist to the iron-monger; from 
the iron-monger to the miner ; from the miner 
to the landlord for board ; to the tailor for 
clothes, to the shoemaker for boots, then to 
the merchant for goods, and from the merchant 
to the farmer for produce, and from the farmer 
to the tax collector to defray the expenses of 
the government. 

The great trouble with money is, that it lacks 
the necessary improvement to make it perform 
this or these functions essential to perfect 
money. Coin becomes hoarded, and fluctuates 
in value during extreme conditions, such as 
banctruptcy, panics and war. Paper money is 
never hoarded, and is called into requisition to 



110 OUR XEXT RE PUBLIC. 

perform that which coin lacks the power to ac- 
complish in cases of such extreme necessity. 
Coin is too cumbersome and inconvenient t( 
keep up with the speedy transmission of modern 
commerce. It did well enough for ox-team 
transportation, but it is really unsuitable to 
this age of progress and civilization. It belongs 
to barbarism, and must rank with the barbar- 
ian, barbarous age and usages. Coin, were it 
convenient and suitable, is inadequate to the 
demands of labor. A small volume of money 
retards progress, while a large volume stimu- 
lates it. Ninety-seven and one-half per cent of 
all the business of the world is carried on with 
paper money. Then why not give paper 
money its true place in the commercial world, 
instead of fictitious coin, the inconvenience, 
scarcity, and inadequacy of which permits it to 
perform but two and one half per cent of the 
business transactions of the commercial world ? 
The world has been set back in its progress 
greatly by false teachings of the hired political 
economists and writers upon the science of 
wealth, who have not only taught a false doc- 
trine in the interests of capital, but mystified 
the money question until it seems utterly im- 
possible for the common people to understand 
what true money or the true and real functions 
of money are. Money has two plain functions, 
one debt-paying, the other value-measuring. 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. Ill 

What we mean by this is, that money will dis- 
I charge a legal obligation and prevent imposi- 
| tion through unnecessary lawsuits, ruinousjudg- 
\ ments and costs; and secondly that the value 
of property can be legally conveyed from one 
party to the other by the simple process of 
measuring adjudged value. Bear in mind that 
all values are established through and by the 
judgment of individuals. You and I agree upon 
.the value or price of a certain thing, a bargain 
is struck, and I agree to pay you the price of 
that article of which our judgment has declared 
value through merit, demerit, need and com- 
parison. 

Individuals have purchasing power, but 
money has none. Our opponents say that 
<" money has or must have purchasing power." 
I Not so ; you have confidence in my paying the 
debt I contract. For that reason debts are 
contracted. You then expect that debt to be 
discharged with lawful money ; that kind of 
\ money which our courts recognize as a legal 
i tender for debt, bearing the stamp of our gov- 
ernment, its fiat, or command, if you please. 
Political economy has resulted in teaching the 
! people that money is not a creature of the law ; 
that it is intrinsic, real and natural ; that it has 
a purchasing power ; that gold and silver have 
been redeemed by labor ; that nature imparts 
the money value to coin ; that the government 



112 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

can't make money ; that paper is dishonest, un- 
redeemed and unconstitutional money ; that 
the issue of paper money was a war measure, 
and that gold is the money of the world, " hon- 
est money." 

Chief Justice Marshal's decision in the case 
of " Sherman vs. Maryland," is substantially 
this: "When the act is not prohibited, and is 
calculated to effect any of the objects intrusted 
to the government, to undertake here to in- 
quire into the degree of its necessity would be 
to pass the line which circumscribes the judi- 
cial department, and tread on legislative 
ground." If this decision is worth anythii 
does it not positively declare that the legal- 
tender act was a legislative, and not a judicial 
power ? 

As to the first proposition, money certainly 
is a creature of the law, for we know of no 
money that has not been created by the law, 
aside from what has been counterfeited. As 
to the second proposition, that money must 
have intrinsic, real or natural value, it is false, 
for the very coins themselves vary in real value, 
and still pay the same debt. Here I present 
to you a 420-grain silver trade dollar, which in 
1880 was optionally taken at 90 cents, but it 
would not pay any debt. It was not a legal 
tender ; it lacked the fiat or stamp of the gov- 
ernment, yet it contained more intrinsic, rer 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 113 

or natural value than did the 412^-grain silver 
dollar, that discharged a legal obligation, to 
the extent of one hundred cents anywhere in 
the nation ; besides which I also present to 
you these two half dollars of precisely the same 
kind of silver, being of nine hundred fine ; they 
are a legal tender, lawful money, bearing the 
fiat, stamp, command or law of the goVern- 

- ment, and will discharge a legal obligation 
anywhere in the nation to the extent of one 
hundred cents, yet each half dollar contains 
exactly 192 grains of alloyed silver, making 
384 grains to the dollar, or 36 grains less silver 
or real value than the trade dollar. How do 

• you account for this, if it is essential for money 
to possess real value ? You see the dollar con- 
taining 36 grains the most silver or real value, 

I will not accomplish by far what the one will 
with 36 grains less. 

If I buy four bushels of corn of you, at twenty- 
five cents per bushel, I will then have con- 
tracted a debt of one dollar; now, that debt 
must be discharged with a lawful dollar or legal 
tender. Now I present to you the 420-grain 

j trade dollar, and you refuse to take it, because 
you say that " other people will take it for but 

: ninety cents; 1 ' that if you " accept it for the 

; debt," you will be " cheated out of ten cents. 1 ' 

1 Very good, I insist upon your taking your pay 
in money possessing the greatest real value ; 



114 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

you still refuse to accept it for the debt, whicl 
brings on a lawsuit. You have now brought 
suit against me for the debt, or sum of one dol- 
lar and costs. Your attorney pleads that 
tendered you money that was not a legal ten- 
der ; that the government repealed the law, 
July 22, 1876 ; that the money was not lawful 
that it did not possess the fiat or stamp of the 
government, and would not cancel the debt, in 
consequence of which he asks for judgment for 
one dollar and costs." 

My attorney has spent some time on political 
economy, he is an ignorant person, and pleads 
that his " client tendered plaintiff a 420-grain 
silver trade dollar ; that it contained real value ; 
that money must possess real, intrinsic, or nat- 
ural value, or else it is not money ; that the 
said trade dollar possessed 36 grains more sil- 
ver of identically the same kind as do the twe 
half dollars, and that the plaintiff must accept 
it or go unpaid, against whom he asks for a 
judgment for cost at the hands of the court for 
his not knowing better ! " Well, what is the 
decision of the court ? The court renders a 
judgment for "one dollar and costs" against 
me for tendering the plaintiff too much silver 
or real value. Yes ; I tendered him 36 grains 
too much silver, and have got into limbo. 

You see it won't work, and is nothing but a 
delusion. Now, what kind of money does this 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 115 

very man take to satisfy this judgment debt 
with ? Why, I pay it off with these half dollars 
^which contain but 384 grains of the same kind 
of silver to the dollar, in consequence of which 
he received 36 grains less silver for the debt 
that 36 grains more would not pay, because of 
not being a legal tender or possessing the fiat 
or stamp of our government. Still, paper 
money bearing said fiat stamp would have dis- 
charged the same debt. You see, the courts 
are bound to honor the command of the gov- 
ernment, whether that command be attached 
to paper or metal. It is simply the decree, the 
law, the fiat which we rely upon and all courts 
honor. There is a wonderful power in money, 
and it is not money unless made so by govern- 
ment. 

As to the third proposition, that money must 
have a purchasing power, it is equally false, 
without foundation or authority. Individuals 
purchase, and money legally cancels the debt. 
As to the fourth proposition, that gold and sil- 
ver money have been redeemed by labor, it is 
equally untrue, unless it applies to the redemp- 
tion of all kinds of money, for labor brought 
all kinds of money into existence. As to the 
fifth proposition, that nature imparts value to 
money, it is also false, as we have plainly 
shown in the coins varying in value, yet of the 
same material and exact weight and fineness. 



116 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

As to the sixth proposition, that the govern- 
ment can't make money, it is a fallacy too„ 
transparent to be sustained one moment. If 
the government can't make money, it stands 
to reason that no one else can, unless he be a 
counterfeiter, and nothing short of the peni- 
tentiary will punish such a criminal. Gover- 
ments create all money, as I have already 
shown in the beginning of my writing upon 
power of money. 

But to make it still plainer, that he who runs 
may read, that he who sees and hears may 
believe, I will submit to my readers the fol- 
lowing ocular demonstration, upon which I 
challenge refutation and invite criticism. The 
problem is this : There are outside, a bed of 
mortar and pile of bricks ; yet this is not a 
house or building, but simply material with 
which the mason forms a building. A build- 
ing is a thing in which we lecture, teach school, 
sell goods, preach the gospel, plead law, man- 
ufacture goods, etc.; these arc the functions of 
the house or building. Now we may have a 
piece of silver ore, from the mines of Peru, 
ninety per cent pure silver ; but it is not money ; 
no, it is material with which our government 
makes money. The government applies her 
law, declaring how much alloy and how many 
grains of fineness shall be in a lawful dollar, 
and then how r many dollars shall be a legal 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 117 

tender for debt. Here is a silver dollar that 
our government created. Can you refute the 
problem ? Then, if not, you must accept it. 
First, you see, it was material, or a product of 
the earth, but when touched by the fiat of our 
government it became money. 

Very well ; to convince you that you have 
been deluded through the study of untrue polit- 
ical economy, or that kind hired in the interest 
of capital, we now call your attention to the 
fact that our government makes money, not 
only out of gold and silver, but out of nickel, 
copper and paper. Here is evidence : Twenty 
nickels are worth exactly sixteen cents when 
placed on the market and sold at their actual 
commercial value ; yet twenty of them will pay 
a debt of a dollar. Then is there not eighty- 
four cents of actual fiat or artificial value im- 
parted to each dollar? Again, the copper 
penny, fourteen hundred and fifty of which will 
pay fourteen dollars and fifty cents of debt ; 
that is, for debt-paying purposes ; yet, you 
place them on the market and they will fetch 
but one dollar. Then is there not just thirteen 
dollars and a half of fiat or artificial value added 
to each dollar's worth ? Again, the paper dol- 
lar, which has no real or natural value in it, yet 
it will discharge a dollar of debt. Then is 
there not just one hundred cents added to it by 
the fiat of the government ? Yes, you always 



118 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

rely upon the stamp, the law, the fiat, or arti- 
ficial value imparted to money by federal gov- 
ernment. This government is simply the peo- 
ple, who have a right to declare what they 
shall have under their constitution. Your po- 
litical economy is wrong ; clear out of joint ; 
and the people who advocate it are clear out of 
their heads to believe such a crazy doctrine. 
You may as well say that a grist mill can only 
grind wheat, as to say that the government 
can only make money of metal. You do know 
that the mill will grind wheat, rye, corn, bar- 
ley, etc., into grist or flour, and you do know 
that the government makes money out of gold, 
silver, nickel, copper, and paper. As to the 
seventh proposition, that paper money is dis- 
honest, unredeemed and therefore unconstitu- 
tional, it is without truth or foundation, if metal 

money is constitutional. 

* * * * * » * * » * As 

to the eighth proposition, that paper money 
(treasury notes) was a war measure, it has no 
bearing whatever upon the constitutionality of 
said money, because, if unconstitutional, every 
dollar of bonds into which this money is con- 
verted is also unconstitutional, null and void — 
a worthless sham, a fearful fraud, and should not 
be paid. 

As to the ninth proposition, that gold is the 
money of the world it is equally fallacious, for 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. ll'j 

there is hardly a thing that the mind of man 
can dwell upon but what has been used for 
money at different periods by the various na- 
tions of the earth. Abraham, we are told in 
in the 23d chapter of the book of Genesis, pur- 
chased a burial place for his wife Sarah with 
400 shekels ; we are also told, in chapter 29, 
that Laban let Jacob have his daughters, Leah 
and Rachel, for fourteen years' work. History 
also teaches us that the Persians used horses 
and bread for money ; that the Carthagenians 
used leather until gold and silver became 
quite plenty ; that the patriarchs of old used 
donkeys, cattle, sheep, male and female chil- 
dren, gold cups, silver cups, diamonds, etc.; 
that the ancient Greeks, at the time of Homer, 
which was 900 B. C, used cattle; that the 
Greeks at the time of Lycurgus, 888 years 
B. C, issued iron money ; that the Greeks and 
Romans used cattle ; that the Romans used 
w r ood and leather at the time of Pompilious, 
who built the famous temple of the Janus, 700 
years B.C.; that the Romans used wood, land, 
tin, leather, human beings ; that the Cicilians 
used leather at the time of William L, in the 
years 1 154-66 ; that the Spaniards used leather 
inu58and 1574; that FredrickBarbarossaused 
leather, with which he successfully prosecuted 
the war with Milan ; that Duke Vitale, Michael 
II., established an inscribed credit in the bank of 



120 OUR XEXT REPUBLIC. 

Venice, under the Venetian republic of Italy, in 
the year 1171 ; that it remained good, without 
one single financial crash or money panic, 
during a period of more than six hundred years, 
during which time the Venetians rose into fame, 
wisdom and wealth, beyond that of any other 
nation on the face of the earth, and would have 
continued in this state of progress, wisdom, and 
prosperity had it not been for the conquest of 
Italy, by Napoleon, in the beginningofthe 19th 
century ; however, Napoleon was compelled to 
leave Italy, after ransacking the bank of 
Venice, in which he found neither gold nor sil 
ver to satisfy his insatiate greed, and with whic 
to keep his devastating army alive to further 
harass and murder the innocent people of that 
unhappy land ; that the French used leather at 
the time of King John, in the year 1360; that 
the Chinese used wood or bark money, made 
from the inner bark of the mulberry tree, in the 
year 1300 — also brass, copper, gold and silver 
that the Africans used iron and cowery shell 
according to the accounts given by DeChaillu 
Speed and Grant, Dr. Livingstone, Henry M 
Stanley, and others ; that the South Sea Island- 
ers used beads and iron ; that the Abyssinian 
used salt ; that the Russians used tea, skins of 
beasts, platinum ; that the Asiatics used paper ; 
that the Hollanders used card-board in the 
year 1574; that the Spaniards used leather in 



',; 



: 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 121 

the year 1574; that the West Indies used 
whisky, bread, pins, snuff, soap, chocolate and 
eggs ; that the Americans purchased the State 
of Rhode Island with twenty fathoms of wam- 
pum in the 16th century ; that they used lead 
bullets and made them a legal tender in the 
State of Massachusetts in the years 1635-7; 
that the same State made " wampumpege" or 
wampum (beads), made by the aborigines out 
of the sea shell, a legal tender in 1640-41 ; that 
tobacco was used in the State of Virginia in the 
year 1801 ; that coon and deer skins were used 
for money in the States of Illinois and Indiana ; 
that the Mexicans used soap in the year 1846 ; 
that our present government makes money out 
i of gold, silver, nickel, copper and paper, no one 
will deny. 

As time will not permit of a full review of 
the world's money, we now submit to you 
whether or not you consider gold cither 
"honest" or the " money of the world ?" No, 
my friends, gold is neither honest money, nor 
the money of the world, for there are plenty of 
nations to-day that do not use it for money ; 
and we will now leave it to your judgment, 
candor and honesty to say whether that gold, 
after changing from an actual pound sterling 
in value to over $202, is "honest money." In 
the beginning, twelve ounces w T ere but the 
pound sterling in England, and now twelve 



: 



122 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC: 

ounces of gold in that country is valued at 
more that $202. You see, the $4.84 pound of 
twelve ounces of gold has changed to nearl 
£42, or $202. 

As to gold being the money of the worl 
neither Russia, Austria, Egypt, Mexico, 
China, Central America, Peru, British India, 
nor Ecuador, use gold for money. 

There is great power in government paper 
money that should ever be borne in mind, and 
that is the stability it offers to a republican form 
of government. Were there no coin at all, and 
nothing but paper money to rely upon in the 
American government, based upon the intelli- 
gence, wealth and wisdom of the whole nation, 
it would have the desired effect to make ever) 
citzen a true, tried and thorough patriot ;. be- 
sides which, it would dispel rebellion, civil war, 
revolution and foreign invasion. You see, 
there would be little or no inducement for the 
people to rebel, for in such an event, they 
would overthrow the government, destroy the 
very money that gave them life, liberty, 
wealth, peaceful homes, prosperity and happi- 
ness ; yet were it coin instead, they could rebel, 
stab the government to the very heart, bury 
the gold and silver, then exhume this metallic 
corpse and take up their peaceful abode in some 
foreign land. Not so with paper money, for 
the moment the government received its death 






OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 123 

I alow from the hands of the rebel, it would reel, 
:otter and fall, carrying with it into the ever- 
asting vortex of destruction, all of its money, all 
of its wealth, all of its liberty, peace, prosperity, 
and happiness, the destruction, vassalage and 
overthrow of which lends no support whatever to 
disloyalty, while on the other hand it is upheld. 

And just so in respect to foreign invasion. 
The knowledge that we had no coin to plun- 
! der, would destroy the inducement, and prevent 
our enemies making war upon us. But in 
case nothing would impede a foreign war, pa- 
per money would, beyond doubt, make every 
American citizen a true patriot, not stopping 
to become a drafted soldier, but volunteering 
'without ; saying in one common voice, one 
common cause: "Let us go to the front and 
defend our government, our homes, our pos- 
terity, our liberty and our money that gives to 
us and our posterity every comfort of life." 

I now leave you to judge of the power and 
reality of coin and paper money. The real 
power that paper money imparts to this gov- 
ernment, its people, progress, development, 
wisdom and civilization, in our opinion settles 
the question beyond doubt or contradiction. 
But then, notwithstanding all this, it will be 
many, many years before the stubborn pre- 
judice of man will give way, and place money 
where true science and common sense die- 



124 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

tates; therefore, gold, silver and paper (o 
metallic and paper money) will be used as ; 
matter of course, until that period or epoch o 
time when civilization dawns upon man, ; 
more wise and generous world. 






Chapter jfii^e. 



SUPREME COURT— PRESIDENTS ELECTED BY 
POPULAR VOTE— ALL EXECUTIVES INELIGI 
GIBLE FOR RE-ELECTION-LEGISLATORS 
IN PERPETUAL SESSION-JEFFERSON'S 
POLITICAL MAXIMS— POPULAR GOV- 
ERNMENT DEFINED — NOBILITY 
WITHOUT A TITLE AND ROY- 
ALTY WITHOUT A PLACE, 
KNOCKING LOUDLY AT 
THE DOOR OF LIB- 
ERTY. 




AVING said all we care to about 
the power of money and the new 
system of legislative representation 
in this short narrative, we will now 
turn our attention to the organiza- 
tion and importance of the Supreme 
Court, leaving the reader to enlarge 
upon the contracted ideas and expand the new 
system to the broadest scope of its extent. 
The judicial power of the United States should 
be vested in Supreme Courts and such inferior 
courts as the National Legislative Assembly 
thought fit, from time to time, to ordain and 



126 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

establish. The number of supreme judges, 
however, should be increased to a sufficient 
number to form two courts, one of which, 
highest in authority, should sit in perpetual 
session at the seat of government, with speci- 
fied and limited adjournments to agree with 
the National Legislative Assembly. 

Said court should be elected by the said As-! 
sembly, for a term of nine years, should have 
appellate jurisdiction, and no judge should be 
chosen for said office who had not attained his 
fortieth year, or who had passed his fifty-fifth; 
year. Said court should have jurisdiction over 
every legislative act of the National Legisla- 
tive Assembly before the same was declared 
law; should have appellate jurisdiction, also, 
in case of equity; should have jurisdiction! 
over treaties with foreign nations, ambassa- 
dors, public ministers and consuls; to all cases 
of admiralty and maratime jurisdiction, and 
should have jurisdiction over treason. No act 
of the National Legislative Assembly should 
become law or be declared in full force and 
effect until submitted to the decision of the: 
Supreme Court, which court should pass upon 
the constitutionality of every act, within 
ninety days after the same had passed the 
National Legislative Assembly. 

The inferior court, and courts inferior to it 
should have jurisdiction over all other cases 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 121 

not reserved to the National Legislative As- 
sembly, or Supreme Court, highest in authority, 
with appellate jurisdiction. It is a very grave 
mistake with nations, states and municipalities 
that law is permitted to go into full force and 
effect before ascertaining whether or not said 
law is constitutional. It, however, is a time- 
worn practice, precedent and usage among na- 
tions, and as erroneous and far-fetched as it is 
dangerously fraught with evil consequences. 

For illustration, let us review the Civil 
Rights act, which remained in full force and 
effect for years, attended with evil results of a 
very grave nature. This unjust and unconsti- 
tutional act compelled proprietors of public 
places and public conveyances, under penalty 
of damage, to admit and furnish the same ac- 
commodations to the colored person, on tender 
of lawful money, as to all other persons. As 
soon as this erroneous act (which had inflicted 
evil instead of good upon the colored race), 
reached the Supreme Court, it was declared 
unconstitutional, null and void. Had the Su- 
preme Court passed upon the constitutionality 
hof said act before it was declared in full force 
and effect, much trouble, expense, vexation and 
imposition to both the white and black races 
I would have been avoided, while bitter feelings 
| and race distinction could never have reached 
• such disagreeable proportions as the said un- 



128 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 






guarded act seems to have produced. By the 
process of appellate jurisprudence, before a law 
was declared constitutional, much time, money 
and vexatious disappointment could and would 
be saved, as law would go into full force and 
effect, based upon the very highest authority, 
preventing largely the violation of law so often 
outraged for want of just such authority. It is 
true the lawyers would have less to do, but 
then, what this kid-glove gentry would lose, 
horny-handed labor w r ould save. 

No doubt the main reason why the nations 
of the world have been so long in adopting this 
just, simple and essential system is, that the 
nations have trusted this multifarious branch 
of business too much to the shrewdness of tricky 
lawyers. In point of good government there 
is probably nothing so desirable as prompt, 
speedy trial, unless on the part of the culprit. 
Many guilty persons escape the rigor of the 
law more on account of delay than anything 
else. This too frequent error should be more 
strictly guarded against, as mob violence is 
probably more traceable to this cause than any 
other thing. Speedy trial is by far the best 
guard. 

Then there are so many instances where our 
nation is involved with foreign nations. So 
many cases where individuals have claims 
against our nation, that go neglected from time 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 129 

to time on account of too much business for 
one court to discharge. No case ready for 
trial or adjustment, connected with our federal 
government, should remain longer than one year 
on the docket. While under the present very 
imperfect system, cases have outlived the plain- 
tiff and grown mouldy with age. This is un- 
just, unstable, could be avoided, and should be 
prevented by all means honorable to the gov- 
ernment and dignity of the court. 

Our reason for choosing supreme judges be- 
tween the ages of forty and fifty-five years is 
this : The Supreme Courts should be com- 
posed of persons of experience, free from in- 
firmities of both body and mind. Youthful in- 
experience and the dotage of old age should 
be guarded against in all places of such respon- 
sibility. No judge serving on the supreme 
bench should be eligible to the same office, as 
party prejudice would not then be so apt to 
bias the judgment. Judges of our courts can- 
not be removed too far from the influence of 
party. These are serious objections to re-ap- 
pointment and life-tenure of office. 

Having said all we care to regarding the ju- 
diciary in so brief a work, we will dismiss the 
subject, leaving the reader to improve and en- 
large upon the plan, while we turn our atten- 
tion briefly to the executive department of 
popular government. The executive power 



130 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 






should be vested in the president of the United 
States of America, who should hold said office 
during the term of six years, and, together 
with the vice-president, chosen for the same 
time, be elected by a direct vote of the people 
of the States and territories within jurisdiction 
of the federal government. 

Neither of said officials should be eligible to 
re-election to the same office. The president 
should be commander in chief of the army and 
navy, and of the militia of the several States 
and territories within jurisdiction of the federal 
government, when called into actual service. 
The president should sign each act of the 
National Legislative Assembly as soon as said 
act or acts had been declared constitutional by 
the Supreme Court, the signature of whom be- 
ing only an affirmative guarantee of the consti- 
tutionality of said law. The president, as an 
executive, should be denied all legislative 
power, appointing and pardoning. The vice- 
president should preside over the National 
Legislative Assembly, and have the casting 
vote whenever a tie occurred. 

In case of death or inability of the president, 
then the vice-president should become presi- 
dent of the United States and territories of 
America. And, whenever it devolved upon 
the vice-president to take the executive chair, 
then the National Legislative Assembly should 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 131 

elect the vice-president by majority vote, and 
in case there be a tie on said election then the 
chief justice of the Supreme Court of appellate 
jurisdiction should preside, and have the cast- 
ing vote. The president and vice-president 
should be persons filling all the requirements 
of an American citizen, being past forty and 
under sixty-four years of age, and twenty-one 
years a resident of America. 

All judges and executives should be inelig- 
ible to re-election to the same office. Then 
our laws would be honorably judged and faith- 
fully executed. It is far better to lengthen the 
term of office than make the official re-elective. 
If re-elective, then the official is more apt to 
favor those who place that official in office. If 
not re-elective, then the law will be honorably 
judged and faithfully executed without fear or 
favor. The longer a faithful legislator serves 
in the legislative department, the more the said 
statesman and law-maker is worth to the peo- 
ple, and, unless he or she is of such worth to 
the public, under the system of proportion- 
ate legislative representation, the least possible 
are the chances that said person would be re- 
turned to the National Legislative Assembly. 

There can be no good reason assigned for 
electing or appointing the president to so re- 
sponsible an office through a kind of second- 
handed machine, like unto the electoral college 



132 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 






system. The people must resolutely make up 
their minds to rescue the fragments of popular 
sovereignty at the earliest possible moment, 
and add thereto all the necessary appendages 
of popular government in the broadest, fullest 
sense of the term : — 

ist. By establishing universal suffrage. 

2d. By abolishing the legislative district sys- 
tem. 

3d. By abolishing the United States senate. 

4th. By abolishing the electoral college. 

5th. By converting congress into a National 
Legislative Assembly. 

6th. By electing every government official 
within practical reach of the ballot. 

7th. By abolishing the use of metal for 
money. 

8th. By establishing proportionate legislative 
representation. 

9th. By vesting in the representatives of the 
National Legislative Assembly, all legislative, 
appointing, impeaching and pardoning powers. 

10th. By the federal government assuming 
authority and supreme control over all things 
of a national character, such as the ballot, the 
army and navy, the mail, the revenue, the 
money and banking ; telegraph, transportation 
both by land and by water. 

This is popular government, and nothing 
short of which should be demanded by an in- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 133 

telligent, liberty-loving nation of people. 
While our idea of popular government may be 
regarded as extravagant by some, yet Thomas 
Jefferson, who is worshiped by the American 
people, and who, like George Washington, has 
gained immortal fame for noble deeds, was no 
less extravagant, as will be seen by his political 
maxims, which I take great pleasure to here 
introduce : — 

JEFFERSON'S POLITICAL MAXIMS. 

1st. Legal equality of human beings. [Man 
and woman.] 

2d. The people the only source of legitimate 
power. [Both sexes.] 

3d. Absolute and lastingseverance of church 
and state. 

4th. Freedom, sovereignty and independence 
of the respective States. 

5th. The union a compact — neither a consol- 
idation nor a centralization. 

6th. Constitution of the union a special writ- 
ten grant of powers, limited and definite. 

7th. No hereditary office, nor order, nor title. 

8th. No taxation beyond the public want. 

9th. No national debts, if possible. 

10th. No costly splendor of administration. 

nth. No proscription of opinion nor. of pub- 
lic discussion. 



134 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

12th. No unnecessary interference with indi- 
vidual property or speech. 

13th. The civil paramount to the military 
authority. 

14th. The representative to obey the in- 
structions of his constituents. 

15th. No favored classes, no monopolies. 

16th. Elections free, and suffrage universal. 

17th. No public moneys expended except by 
warrant of specific appropriation. 

18th. No mysteries in government inaccessi- 
ble to the public eye. 

19th. Public compensation for public services, 
moderate salaries, and pervading economy and 
accountability. 

Thomas Jefferson's idea of popular govern- 
ment differs but little from the system outlined 
in this work ; but then, we are living in a dif- 
ferent age, whose demands are greater, broader 
and more diversified, surrounded by cruel mon- 
opoly and governed by relentless aristocracy, 
the very things of which Jefferson cautiously 
warned the people. We have departed from 
the noble principles of popular government 
taught by him — gone astray to such an extent 
and so far that all that now remains of a peo- 
ple's government are the shattered, outraged 
fragments, daily fading into insignificance. 
Popular government must eventually hold sway 
in America, or monarchy take full possession 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 135 

of our present aristocratic system, which has 
given rise to more than one thousand million- 
aires in the last quarter of a century. 

The arrogant desire of aristocracy is alike 
the world over, and is therefore no different in 
its outrageous demands in America than in 
England, Germany or Russia. It would prac- 
tice the same outrage, tyranny and oppression 
under like circumstances. Then, to prevent 
dynamite playing the same sad and awful role 
in the presence of oppression and in the ab- 
sence of liberty in this country, that it does 
now in those countries, we had better take 
warning in due time from their sad experience, 
by perfecting our system of government to ap- 
proximate more nearly the wishes and wants 
of the people, and demands of popular sover- 
eignty, aimed at in the very beginning by the 
patriotic sages of revolutionary fame. Fellow 
citizens, I bid thee beware ! 'Tis not a strange 
sound, a mere fancy. Nobility without a name, 
and royalty without a place, stands knocking 
loudly at the rickety door of liberty this very 
day for admission. Shall we sit quietly with 
folded arms (?), dally and doubt and dream until 
our last hope fades into nothingness, or arouse 
ourselves from the dormant lethargy and go 
forth to the rescue of unborn generations who 
must otherwise linger on in the painful womb 
of cruel bondage ? 



di\kpt 



Qt 



Yer\. 



MONETARY PHILOSOPHY— PAPER MONEY BASED 
ON NATIONAL WEALTH— COIN WITHOUT A 
BASIS— PAPER THE ONLY THING OUT OF 
WHICH A PERFECT MONEY CAN BE 
MADE — COIN SHOULD BE ABOL- 
ISHED-PAPER MONEY SOLVES 
FIVE IMPORTANT PHILO- 
SOPHICAL PROBLEMS. 



£|j PERFECT money and sound mon 
ctary system arc beyond doubt or 
contradiction the most potent fac 
tors known to human development 
and high-wrought civilization, em- 
anating from the genius of man; 
while an imperfect money and un- 
sound monetary system are far more to be 
feared, dreaded and despised than all the other 
evils with which the human family is sur- 
rounded and afflicted, as there is not one 
solitary human or commercial development 
pertaining to advanced civilization, however 
great or small, expanded or contracted, that 
did not either originate from a perfect or im- 
perfect monetary system. Without a mone- 







OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 137 

tary system, all mankind, like " God's wild 
children of the desert," would very soon de- 
generate into cruel, savage barbarism. 

Money supplies man's wants in ten thousand 
ways, and it is a legal tender for lawful obli- 
gations in every court of law and justice insti- 
tuted by man. It is a human invention, creat- 
ure of law and legitimate offspring of civil gov- 
ernment. It is created alone by the preroga- 
tive of supreme authority, and should be con- 
trolled by no less a power, as we have already 
shown. 

It fits the professor for the college, the mer- 
chant for trade and commerce, the general for 
command, the physician for practice, the musi- 
cian for the instrument, the mechanic for the 
factory and shop, the minister for the pulpit, 
the lawyer for the bar of justice, man and 
woman for society, the statesman for the most 
exalted and responsible station in civil life, 
the state for government, army and navy for 
war. It will secure justice, and bribe courts. 
It confines the innocent and frees the guilty. It 
deserts the begger, excites the lunatic, and be- 
trays the victim. It sends the drunkard to 
jail, the thief to prison, the murderer to the 
gallows. It is the agent of joy and sadness, 
good and evil, activity and idleness, trade and 
commerce, wealth and poverty, innocence and 
guilt. It concentrates wealth and scatters 



13S OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

poverty and crime broadcast. It makes a na- 
tion strong or weak, dependent or independ- 
ent, bond or free. It causes trade and com- 
merce to flourish or languish. It adjusts every 
claim of society. It is woman's best friend 
and man's worst enemy. No greater blessin 
could possibly descend upon the American 
people, yea, the whole world, than a perfect 
money and monetary system. 

Such perfection is, however, within the scope 
of human genius and skill of statesmanship. 
Money can and should be made perfect. A 
sound monetary system can and should be 
adopted. Paper is the only thing out of which 
a perfect money can be made. Government is 
the only safe power in whose hands banking 
can be safely intrusted. Paper money, made a 
full legal tender for all debts, public and private, 
issued and controlled by the federal govern- 
ment, covers five philosophical propositions, 
nowhere else found entering so largely into 
human advancement, financial development, 
product of wealth, trade and commerce, art, 
literature, science and civilization : — 

ist. In point of perfection. 

2d. In point of adequacy. 

3d. In point of preventing rebellion. 

4th. In point of preventing invasion. 

5th. In point of establishing republics, fra- 
ternizing the world, and putting a stop to war. 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 139 

Proposition First. — Only by legal process 
can monetary value be imparted. One hun- 
dred cents, under stamp of the federal govern- 
ment, forms the unit dollar, the slightest 
variation in the value of which renders it unfit 
for money — could not be a dollar without be- 
ing exactly one hundred cents at all times and 
under all circumstances — a tender in every 
court for a lawful obligation of one hundred 
cents. The very moment this unit of value, 
called one dollar, changes, perfection no longer 
remains with it. Money must have an un- 
changeable value, and should be composed of 
materal imparting the greatest monetary util- 
ity and least commercial value. 

Paper is the only thing yet discovered by 
man in which can be found all the leading 
qualities and monetary attributes. Paper is 
applicable, so cheap and plenty, that to force 
the genius of man into avenues of research for 
a more suitable material would only prove 
futile and a mere waste of time. Nothing bet- 
ter can ever be discovered or invented for the 
true purpose of money. It is suitable to bear 
the stamp of the government, susceptible of 
artful perfection to such a degree as to render 
counterfeiting a very difficult matter and hope- 
less of reward. The utility of paper money in 
point of cheap transportation, loss and conceal- 
ment, cannot be excelled. It burdens not the 



140 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

bearer, and can be carried concealed from theft 
in large sums. 

There is no metal yet discovered by man 
into which perfect money can be made. Gold 
comes the nearest to such a money of any of 
the metals, but lacks too much the essential 
qualities of perfection, and can never be made 
into perfect money. Gold has too great a 
commercial value, hence a changeable value 
Perfect money cannot become an article of 
merchandise. Gold is too scarce and wears 
away too fast. Gold is too cumbersome, and 
costs too much for transportation. Gold bur- 
dens the bearer and is not susceptible of con- 
cealment from theft. Money should not be 
hoarded. Gold is always hoarded. Money 
should never invite an enemy. Metal of every 
description made into money constantly ex- 
tends invitations to our foes, invites rebellion, 
invasion, and war. Such money, however, lacks 
all the virtue of perfection. Metal money has 
no basis whatever, while paper money is based 
upon every dollar of wealth the people possess, 
of whatever nation issuing it. Metal money 
sprang from an ignorant, barbaric age ; while 
paper money sprang from the bright genius of 
modern intelligence ; is based upon wealth, 
wisdom and faith — the wealth of the nation, 
the wisdom of statesmanship, the faith of a pat- 
riotic people to maintain popular government 
that gives stability to such a system. 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 141 

As the reader has doubtless become familiar 
with the preceding chapter, relating to the 
power of money, we will now dismiss the first 
proposition, and review the second, relating to 
money being plenty enough to distribute the 
products of industry without resorting to the 
credit or barter system. 

Proposition Second.— Money should be 
plenty enough to distribute the products of in- 
dustry, prevent credit, and drive usury out of 
existence. Just as long as money is loaned at 
interest, and credit is resorted to, just so long 
will labor have to surrender a large portion of 
its earnings without receiving a just compen- 
sation or equivalent in return. Just as long as 
the usury system exists, just that long will the 
credit system exist ; and, just as long as both 
exist, will panics, concentration of wealth, idle- 
ness, poverty and crime exist. 

Usury and credit are twin relics of despotism. 
Neither should be tolerated in a republic ; 
ought to, and will be, abolished, or popular 
government prove a failure. With usury and 
credit, labor is impoverished by contributing 
to capital without receiving equivalent. 
Money should be plenty enough to seek invest- 
ment instead of interest, then labor would be 
employed, wealth would be produced, want 
and depression disappear. Credit is the very 
evidence of the scarcity of money. When a 



142 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

nation lacks money it resorts to credit. When- 
ever money seeks loans, labor seeks the alms- 
house. Whenever money seeks investment, 
alms-houses, jails and penitentiaries are de- 
serted. Usury and credit are the despoilers of 
nations and the agents of crime. The lack of 
a sufficient volume of money produces all these 
evils. When interest is high, money is scarce, 
products are cheap, and labor is a beggar. 
The scarcity of money produces economy, econ- 
omy produces stagnation, stagnation produces 
panics, panics produce the concentration of 
wealth, concentration of wealth produces idle- 
ness, idleness produces poverty, poverty pro- 
duces crime, and crime producesdecivilization. 
When money is plenty, interest is less, credit 
is less, loss of property is less, panics are less 
frequent, lawsuits are less frequent, executions 
are less frequent, idleness, poverty and crime 
are less frequent. If money could not be 
loaned, credit would not be given ; if credit 
were not given, the absorption of wealth would 
cease to make further inroads upon labor. The 
purchaser would be independent instead of be- 
ing dependent. The merchant would have no 
bad debts, could sell for less profit ; while the 
purchaser would be perfectly free and at liberty 
to purchase of whomsoever he or she pleased, 
without feeling the humiliating embarrassment 
of obligation and dependency, characteristic of 
the credit system, everywhere. 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 143 

Metal money, if it could be made perfect, is 
altogether too scarce to ever stimulate or revo- 
lutionize such a system as this. Usury and 
credit have robbed labor of nearly every dollar 
possessed by capital, plunged the human race 
into debt, have mortgaged unborn generations 
for security, and bankrupted nearly every na- 
tion on earth. Then is it not time that prac- 
tical, new-born ideas were put into immediate 
operation to solve this awful problem of life ? 

Proposition Third. — Were there no other 
kind than legal-tender paper money in use, re- 
bellion would become impossible, would no 
longer disturb the tranquillity of popular gov- 
ernment, or invite anarchy to reign in the ab- 
sence of patriotism. Such a money would be 
based upon the entire wealth of the nation, and 
upon the very existence and life of the republic . 
Popular government is the people's govern- 
ment, and the people own everything on which 
said government and money is based, which 
makes every man, woman and child co-part- 
ners, true, tried and sworn patriots to defend 
said government. 

When such money was offered in liquidation 
of debt, the receiver would accept money se- 
cured by his or her own property. A, for in- 
stance, owes B one thousand dollars. A ten- 
ders B one thousand dollars of such money in 
liquidation of said debt. B receives the money 



144 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

and the debt is canceled. A and B are citi 
zens of the government that issues and controls 
said money ; A and B are property owners in 
said government ; then is not said money basec 
upon the property of each individual ? Under 
this system A would be tendering money in 
liquidation of debt, based upon his own prop- 
erty ; while B would be receiving money for 
debt based upon his own property. 

Could money have a more sound, safe, or 
stable basis ? Each person becomes a partner 
at issue, a sworn patriot to defend the govern- 
ment issuing said money, with which every 
debt is liquidated and every comfort of life se- 
cured. The overthrow of such a government 
would be the very means of destroying every 
dollar issued, which would impoverish the peo- 
ple by destroying the money that put each 
man, woman, and child in possession of what- 
ever property and comforts of life each and all 
might enjoy. Would such a nation of people 
rebel ? Could such a nation of people consist 
ently rebel ? It is necessary to go to the very 
extreme point— the very NE PLUS ULTRA— to 
prove the moral of philosophy, in consequence 
of which we will presume that dissatisfaction, 
disagreement, dissension and the like, have 
convulsed the nation ; that civil war threatens 
the safety and security of our government. 
Here a rebellious faction arises, and equips it- 
self for war. 



()TR NEXT REPUBLIC 145 

The friends and enemies of the government 
are formed in line for battle, facing each other 
with deadly and destructive weapons of war- 
fare. The dreadful, terrible, awful moment 
that tries the very souls of men and hearts of 
women is at hand. The signal is given, and 
destruction of life and property, and devasta- 
tion, follow in quick and rapid succession. 
With brave determination stand two powerful 
armies, with tense nerve, dauntless eye and steel 
of fate. The signal gun is ready to belch forth 
the blast of death ; the bugle is almost to the 
lips ; the warlike steed sniffs the air and 
champs the bit ; the clashing sword is ready to 
to leap from the scabbard ; grape and canister, 
shot and shell to rend the air, the fort and hu- 
man form have charged the well shotted guns 
to drench God's sacred soil with human gore. 
The merest accident, and wives, and mothers, 
sisters, daughters and lovers craped in silent 
mourning would bewail the mournful fate of all 
that 's near and dear to life on earth. Between 
these intrepid armies dauntless stands the 
Goddess of Liberty, with bared foot and out- 
stretched arms, grasping the olive branch of 
peace in one hand and the banner of liberty in 
the other, on which is inscribed ; "Obedience 
to popular government is resistance to tyranny, 
protection to our money, our homes, our hap- 
piness, our lives and our liberty !" The sight 



146 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

of which fires every patriot's heart with love 
and zeal and true devotion. 

The Goddess of Liberty is fondly and affect- 
ionately embraced by all. The signal gun of 
cruel warfare fires not ; rebellion is set at 
naught, and defiance becomes a thing of the 
barbaric past. But not so with gold and sil- 
ver money ; for the rebel could bury this me- 
tallic corpse, stab the government to the very 
heart, then exhume this metallic fiend, become 
loyal at home or welcomed to some foreign 
land. With paper money, the very moment 
the government was destroyed, every dollar 
would become worthless trash ; lost forever, 
and friend and foe alike would lose ; hence the 
utter impossibility of rebellion. Equipped with 
such a money, entwined in the arms of her coun- 
try, enshrined in the hearts of her people, would 
proudly stand forth the Goddess of Liberty 
bidding defiance to civil war, death, ruin and 
desolation. 

Proposition Fourth.— In point of inva- 
sion, history records a very important fact in 
support of paper money preventing war. The 
Venetian republic abandoned the use of gold and 
silver or metallic money in the year I i/i, un- 
der duke Vitlale Michael the 2nd, and adopted 
an inscribed credit in the place of said money, 
w r ith which to carry on the business and com- 
mercial transactions of said republic. This na 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 147 

tion advanced beyond the civilization of all 
the nations of the earth, remaining for centu- 
ries without one "solitary financial crash or 
money panic," while her inscribed credit bore 
a premium of 28 per cent at one time. Napo- 
leon, becoming familiar with her prosperity, 
knowing, too, that neither gold nor silver cir- 
culated, supposed that the bank vaults of Ve- 
nice were richly laden with these precious 
metals, at the head of his desperate army, he 
advanced to the very seat of her government, 
intending to plunder the bank of its gold and 
silver, overthrow the republic and lay waste 
the country. On opening her bank he found 
neither gold nor,silver, could not utilize her 
credit, in consequence of which he withdrew 
his murderous army from Italy to fields where 
gold and silver glittered more brightly and 
delusive, leaving the Venetian republic un- 
harmed and in full possession of her credit 
money. Napoleon well knew that if he de- 
stroyed the Venetian republic, her credit money 
would become worthless trash in his hands, 
with which he could not even purchase a bis- 
cuit for ever so hungry a soldier ; but had the 
vaults contained gold and silver money instead, 
then Napoleon could have used it with which 
to accomplish his warlike purpose, and im- 
poverish and enslave the nation by force of 
arms. 



148 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

The money advocated in this work is very 
similar to the Venetian credit money, further 
than this : The inscribed credit of the bank 
of Venice did not circulate like our bills or 
notes. A, B, C, D, E, and F, citizens of the 
Venetian republic of Italy, had exchanged their 
gold and silver money for a credit on the bank 
books of Venice. Then when A did business 
with B, A gave B a check on said bank, which 
was charged to A and credited to B. This 
kind of money was not subject to loss, however, 
as it was carried about in form of book account, 
instead of bills advocated here and elsewhere. 

Such a form did well enough for so small a 
republic as Venice, but would not be consid- 
ered practical for a country as large as ours ; 
hence, the convenience of the bills in compar- 
ison with the credit system in point of utility. 
Paper money, made a full legal tender for all 
debts, public and private, is virtually a direct 
lien on every person's property who may live 
and enjoy the possession of all the property 
and comforts enjoyed in this nation, the secur- 
ity of which depends solely upon the stability 
of the government. Knowing this, there would 
be little or no inducement for foreign nations 
to make war upon us ; from the fact that, in 
the destruction of our government, the money 
would become perfectly worthless in the hands 
of the enemy. Dispirited in the absence of 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 149 

gold and silver and metallic money, and con- 
fronted by a united army of sworn patriots 
desperately in earnest to defend the govern- 
ment at all hazards, and save the money with 
which they had experienced prosperity and had 
been surrounded with every enjoyment and 
comfort, the combined hordes of all Europe 
could not defeat America. Stimulated by the 
love of liberty, prompted by resistance to 
tyranny, urged by considerations of home and 
happiness, esteem for popular government, ad- 
miration for the unequaled worth of such a 
money would inspire every patriot and fill 
every breast with intrepid bravery to stub- 
bornly dispute, inch by inch, every foot of 
sacred soil invaded, dying in the last ditch a 
bleeding sacrifice, unawed and unconquered. 
Such a money unites the people, making the 
interest of one the duty and concern of all. 

And here let me remark that, once, upon 
discussing this question with a learned gentle- 
man, who opposed my theory by asserting that 
"if we were engaged in war with a foreign na- 
tion, he might wish ever so much to dispose of 
his property for silver and gold with which to 
escape to some distant land, preserve his prop- 
erty and the lives of his dear family from war, 
but, with such money as I advocated he could 
not find a purchaser ; and if he did, the enemy 
would not receive the money ; but, with gold 



150 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

and silver he could traverse the world, and find 
friends to shelter him and his, and possess com- 
forts of life to enjoy. Hence the inconsistency 
of my doctrine ! " This admission, however, I 
frankly and freely made, turning to my oppo- 
nent, asking him in the presence of an intelli- 
gent audience, whether he would be as fair 
with me, to which he replied, " yes." I then 
proceeded with my delineation, greatly to his 
chagrin, and the merriment of the audience, in 
the following manner : Well, sir, under the 
gold and silver money system you would sell 
your home, flee the country, go to some foreign 
land (and we will presume that half the nation 
joined you in this cowardly act); would not the 
common enemy capture our country, despoil 
our homes, ruin popular government, insult 
decency, plunder our people, outrage even the 
Goddess of Liberty, and convert a proud repub- 
lic into a fiendish monarchy and absolute des- 
potism ? But, sir, under the true monetary 
system, offered by me in this discussion, you 
frankly admit the force of my argument, " that 
the coward must and shall defend his home, his 
fireside and his country." 

Proposition Fifth. — Argus-eyed, the world 
turns eagerly toward revolutionized America, 
who at last dethrones the king and queen of 
terror where gold and silver reign supreme no 
more. She is now in possession of popular gov- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 151 

ernment and popular money. Blessed by such 
a government and favored at last with a perfect 
money and monetary system, America bids 
defiance to all the world, and begins anew the 
rapid march of civilization, soon looking back 
and down on her inferiors, struggling between 
life and death in foreign lands where gold is 
king and silver queen, and metal money prince 
of all the ills of life. Paper money is a full 
legal-tender for all debts, public and private, 
honored in every court for the discharge of law- 
ful obligations, issued and controlled by the 
federal government in volume equal to the de- 
mands of labor, annihilating interest and credit, 
the new era begins to dawn and brighten into 
the brilliancy of cheerful noonday. Labor is no 
longer hampered, is no longer subservient to 
capital, ostracised from society, driven into 
exile, forced into idleness, reduced to poverty or 
legislated down into horrid crime. Money, the 
best the world ever knew, worth one hundred 
cents to the dollar at all times and under all 
circumstances, is plentiful enough to seek in- 
vestment, invite labor to the shop, the factory, 
and avocations of toil, to produce wealth, create 
the necessaries and artificial comforts of life 
never before enjoyed by the toiling masses of 
mankind. 

The field and factory produce in endless 
variety and in great abundance. Beggars are 



152 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

no longer seen upon our streets, the poor suffer 
not. Capital is no longer king. The dungeon 
hovel, filled once with squalor, want and wretch- 
edness, has been transformed into the bright, 
cheerful, happy home. The mad-house has 
been changed into an orderly mission ; the 
prisons of awful crime have been converted 
into colleges of learning. Great wealth that 
was once concentrated in the hands of the few 
is more generally distributed among the many. 
Panics, that were periodical and of frequent oc- 
currence, disturb no longer our great commer- 
cial centers. 

The money problem is mathematical, and 
the world no longer doubts. America becomes 
the guiding star of empire and state. Other 
nations borrow our beacon light of modern civ- 
ilization and our example becomes universal. 
Purple robes and glittering crowns of royal 
splendor and authority hold sway to damn 
mankind no longer. Republics based on pop- 
ular government follow in rapid and quick suc- 
cession. The subject of despotism becomes 
the citizen of state. Kings, queens, princes, 
emperors, czars, sultans, rajahs, pashas and 
potentates rob at leisure and practice foul 
tyranny at ease no more. 

Gold and silver plugs the tooth, instead of 
blocking the wheels of progress as before 
while popular government and paper money go 









OUR NEXT REPUBLIC, 158 

forth in legal unity to "multiply and replenish 
the earth." 

The goods of this nation are carried abroad 
and the goods of other nations are brought to 
our shore. Trade and commerce in great 
abundance rapidly flow between nation and 
nation. Our goods seek their market and their 
goods seek our market. Our money will pay 
for anything we have for sale and their money 
will pay for anything they have for sale. Our 
ships are unloaded and laden at their ports and 
their ships are unloaded and laden at our ports. 
We sell for their money and they sell for our 
money. We buy with their money and they 
buy with our money. Here it will be seen 
that the money of the world becomes inter- 
changeable. 

Foreign nations possess large quantities of 
our money and our nation possesses large quan- 
tities of their money, by which means an inter- 
changeable circulation is maintained. We 
possess the money of all nations and all nations 
possess our money. Moneys of all nations mix 
and intermix together. Knowing that the 
money of each nation is as good as our own, 
all money circulates alike, pays debts alike, no 
matter where, because it can be exchanged 
without discount or brought to its native shore 
for produce. Our nation is in harmonious 
sympathy with all nations and all nations are 
in harmony with ours. 



154 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

The world has become fraternized under one 
system of government, by one kind of money, 
and through one common interest. One lan- 
guage is finally adopted, and all countries speak 
it. The nations of the earth mingle and inter- 
mingle with that becoming love and respect 
characteristic of the broadest commonalty of 
the well regulated family. 

Neither gold nor silver with which to wreck 
the " ship of state " longer impedes universal 
progress ; buoyant and fast she rides the rough- 
est sea with perfect safety, laden with a full 
legal-tender paper money, that has finally put a 
stop to war and turned the world into a blissful 
paradise, however paradoxical this may seem, 
as the nations of the earth would bear the same 
relation to each other under such a system as 
do the citizens of the same government. 



tsvWlPi, '^^ 



Clikptef 5}lever\. 



GOVERNMENT BANKING-THE POST OFFICE, 
POSTAL-TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE- 
INDIVIDUAL BANKING AN EXPENSIVE 
FAILURE— MONEY WITH OR WITH- 
OUT INTEREST — THE EFFECT 
UNDER FEDERAL CONTROL. 



IAVING written at considerable 
length on the philosophy of popu- 
lar government and paper money, 
we will close this work with a brief 
chapter on federal banking, the 
post-office, postal-telegraph and 
telephone, illustrating the feasibil- 
ity, cheapness and superior advantages to be 
derived when under federal instead of individ- 
ual or corporate control. Individual banking 
having proved a gross, expensive and damag- 
ing failure to the people of all branches of 
industry, from its early history down to the 
present time, calls loudly for an immediate and 
radical change. Nor can this be contradicted 
or gainsaid, in point of either human or com- 
mercial advancement, as proved by the undue 




156 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

accumulation of vast fortunes through usury 
and credit, on the one hand, and loss through 
bankruptcy and deposit on the other. If for 
no other reasons, these bad features alone 
should condemn so unwise and unsafe a system 
that for ages has been absorbing and concen- 
trating great fortunes and untold millions of 
wealth in the hands of the few, wrung, too, from 
the brawn of industry, without even rendering 
any equivalent whatever for the mammoth 
fortunes and glittering wealth so amassed. 
Hence, the immediate abolition of the old sys- 
tem, that the new, more safe, cheap and just 
banking and monetary system may bless, in- 
stead of curse, the toiling, suffering masses. 

After making so important a subject our 
chief study and close observation for years, 
we venture on the new plan about to be intro- 
duced in this work, claiming that simplicity 
and feasibility both suggest a sure and lasting 
remedy within easy reach of modern stat 
manship, devoted to popular government. In 
the distribution of the product of labor, and 
the more equitable distribution of wealth, 
money doubtless becomes one of the most po- 
tent factors of civilization known to man, in 
which instance perfection and suitable control 
are necessary guarantees that never have or 
ever can emanate from the aggrandized indi- 
vidual or chartered corporation. Hence the 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. \g\ 

long-felt necessity of federal control under the 
most approved plan affecting general welfare, 
that the masses may enjoy that blessing hith- 
erto denied them through the present imper- 
fect banking and monetary system. 

For convenience, the great and powerful 
agencies of transmission and distribution 
should be united in a manner, bringing the 
services of each agency into close proximity 
with the people. This done, the people of 
each community would alike benefit by all 
the advantages to be derived from banking, the 
, use of the mail, postal-telegraph and tele- 
phone. In the establishment of popular gov- 
ernment, the people could delegate to the fed- 
eral government, full control of banking, the 
mail, as now, the telegraph and telephone, as 
they should be. .This done, it would then be- 
come necessary for the federal government to 
provide suitable buildings at convenient places 
in which to transact banking in connection 
with the post-office, telegraph and telephone 
business. Probably the most convenient, safe 
and suitable plan, would be for the federal 
government to erect a fire-proof building in 
each commercial center and city ward. Said 
buildings to be suitably arranged for the dif- 
ferent branches of business, that each depart- 
ment might be presided over by an efficient 
officer, chosen by the people's representatives 



158 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

or by ballot, as the best interests of allconcerned 
might suggest. Of course, suitable tielp, such 
as clerks, could easily be provided for ; also, 
for the consolidation of all the department 
into one, or have them conducted under one 
or more officials in such localities where the 
banking business, mail, telegraph and tele 
phone would not justify the employment of an 
official and clerks in each of the separate de 
partments, as above outlined. This, however, 
could be suitably arranged, so as to render 
such an institution beneficial to each and 
every locality so favored. 

11 Where will the federal government obtain 
money with which to supply these banking de- 
partments and the people?" inquire the vie 
tims of the old system. Well, under popular 
government the people have a right to declare 
what system shall or shall not be, in which 
declaration of power such a government could 
create money out of paper, make the same 
a full legal tender for all debts, public and 
private, issue the same direct to the people 
through these fiscal agencies, and control the 
volume of such a money on the per capita plan. 
This being the case, it is but natural to pre- 
sume that such a government would create as 
large a volume of paper money as the legisla- 
tive wisdom of the people's representatives 
might suggest. " Say $50 or $60" per capita, 



OVk NEXT REPUBLIC. 159 

which rate, estimating our present population 
at sixty millions of people, would provide a 
circulating medium equal to $3,000,000,000, at 
$50, and a volume of $3,600,000,000, at $60 per 
capita. At first, so large a per capita volume 
as the latter may seem wild and visionary, but 
when we more soberly reflect upon the enor- 
mous interest that is now being paid for the 
use of money in consequence of its scarcity, 
then add to this imposition the enormous prof- 
its that natually arise out of our present very 
dangerous and truly alarming credit system, 
then add to these oppressive burdens our pres- 
ent recorded interest-bearing indebtedness, 
that exceeds $21,000,000,000, every dollar of 
which is a matter of record and traceable, being 
composed of judgments, bonds and interest- 
bearing mortgages, the reader will soon become 
reconciled to the fact, overdrawn as the pic- 
ture may at first seem to be, that such a volume 
is altogether too inadequate for the restoration 
of a perfect monetary equilibrium necessary 

, for the eradication of our present system of 

1 indebtedness, usury and credit. 

However true this may seem to the writer, 

\ and untrue to the reader, yet if we reflect for 

; a moment on the prosperity of this country 
that followed the period of our late civil war, 
ushered in, too, through the plentiful use of pa- 

. per money, the specter of suprise will vanish at 



160 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

once. In September, 1865, according to the 
report of the secretary of the treasury, $1,996,- 
679,730 circulated among 35,000,000 people. 
This report shows, beyond doubt or contradic- 
tion, that we were then blessed with a circula- 
ting medium that exceeded $54 per capita; 
and the history of that period further shows 
that our nation developed more wealth during 
that period than any period of our national ex- 
istence. 

Again, we would respectfully refer the reader 
to that uncqualed period of prosperity that fa- 
vored France following the declaration of peace 
immediately after the late Franco-Prussian war, 
in the year 1871, when the French republic is- 
sued a volume of paper money so large that it 
increased her circulating medium beyond $56 
per capita. Great and rapid was not only the 
production of wealth to that wise nation, but 
stability to her government and prosperity to 
her people followed. 

With such a system and volume of money 
as herein proposed, it would be an easy matter 
to furnish each locality with a per capita vol 
ume of money with which to transact the busi- 
ness of that community. All loans thus made 
should be limited to not exceed one year at 
the farthest. The money then loaned by the 
federal government direct to the people woul 
flow back into each respective depository one 
a year. 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 101 

11 If under populargovernment, such a banking 
system became established, what per cent 
would the borrower be compelled to pay ?" in- 
quire the victims of individual banking. Well, 
that would depend altogether upon the system of 
taxation necessary to raise a revenue sufficient 
to defray the expenses of popular government. 
If the property of the people were taxed to 
raise the necessary revenue, it would be unnec- 
essary to loan the money at interest. If not 
so raised, then it would become necessary to 
charge a small per cent for the use of said 
money ; "say one per cent per annum," which 
on a loan of $3,600,000,000 would bring in a 
revenue of $36,000,000 a year. But in either 
event money would be uniform throughout the 
nation ; while under the present system, money 
is being loaned in the eastern states at 3 per 
cent per annum, and in the western states at 
ten and twelve per cent, leaving it only a ques- 
tion of time, under the present system, when 
the eastern capitalists will absorb and own the 
entire west. This is very wrong, and could 
not exist under federal control. 

"What security could the people who bor- 
row, give the government to secure loans?" 
queries the victim of individual banking. 
Why, the same security exacted by the bank- 
ers of to-day, —approved security, securing all 
loans with real estate. Money loaned by the 



162 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

government to the people at one per cent per 
annum, or without interest at all, would com- 
pel the capitalists to invest their large fortunes 
in one enterprise or the other. Under such a 
system, the capitalists who now thrive by loan- 
ing their money at high interest on real estate 
security, would be compelled to invest in busi- 
ness, relying upon profit instead of usury for 
the use and employment of their vast fortunes, 
or go unrewarded. Such investments would 
naturally enough create an extra demand for 
labor. Labor so employed would produce great 
wealth, and receive better wages with which to 
purchase much more of the fruits of industry. 
The toiling masses would not only receive full 
compensation for their labor, but full value for 
the products of the field, the factory, and the 
shop; much of the value of which under the 
present system becomes absorbed and swal 
lowed up through bankruptcy, loss of deposit, 
high interest, and exorbitant profits, that as a 
natural consequence grow out of our present 
very dangerous vacillating credit system. 

Money so loaned by the federal government, 
with or without interest, direct to the people, 
would be the means of completely revolution- 
izing our present commercial system. Money 
would become plenty, and more adequate to 
the demands of labor; usury would vanish, 
credit would disappear, debts unpaid would be 









OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 163 

paid, every branch of business would be con- 
ducted on a cash basis, money would seek new 
enterprises and open new avenues to business, 
and employ labor to carry them on. Wealth 
would then be produced on every hand, new 
inventions, new discoveries and comforts of 
life, now unknown to our present civilization, 
would spring into existence ; labor, under con- 
stant demand and employment, would receive 
more money and surround herself with more of 
these comforts and necessities of life. The 
price of real estate would double and treble the 
present value, the increase of the value of 
which would place the federal government be- 
yond the danger of loss, and afford the people 
ample facilities with which to secure loans ; 
while those whose estates are now encumbered 
with judgments and mortgage indebtedness 
could pay off the same through this very en- 
hancement, and be again permitted to enjoy 
those honors that, without this change, must 
and surely will soon go towards enriching the 
money-bags and usury-favored aristocrats who 
have been, and daily are, fattening at the ex- 
pense of impoverished industry. 

Favored by such a system, the people who 
work hard for their earnings would no longer 
be subject to periodical panics or loss through 
bankruptcy. The depositor would be perfectly 
safe, and would be at perfect ease with his 



164 OUR XEXT REPUBLIC. 

money, however little or great in quantity, 
when placed on deposit with the federal gov- 
ernment, knowing that the entire nation would 
first be subject to bankruptcy before the de- 
positor would meet with loss. Yet how many 
millions of poor, hard-working, dependent 
people have been shamefully robbed and made 
poor and dependent by the present nefarious 
system, Avhen their money was placed on de- 
posit in the various banks of this and other 
countries; and how many of these ruined, dis- 
heartened, despondent people have fallen vic- 
tims, sought self-destruction, and have fallen 
prey to madness and untimely graves? 

Interest being the vicious parent of usury 
and credit, and both the enemy of labor, how 
can those born heirs-apparent to the imple- 
ments of industry ever hope to escape from 
bondage so long as they support the old sys- 
tem of their enslavement that so firmly binds 
each and every one of them ? 

Under federal control, as herein outlined, 
the merchant would sell for cash at a less 
profit, and the purchaser would be at liberty 
to buy in any market, and of whatever mer- 
chant, without feeling obligated, or suffering 
from the present humiliation so characteristic 
of the credit system, everywhere. Men and wo- 
men would then become independent instead 
of dependent ; and there is nothing more to be 



X£X7' REPUBLIC. 16o 

feared, nor is there any thing more degrading 
to our institutions of liberty or civilization, 
than dependency. Dependency alone has hum- 
bled the pride of many a noble nation. It is 
the dross of oligarchy and the sure decay of a 
proud civilization. Usury and credit done 
away with, labor would then enjoy that large 
per cent of profit absorbed by the merchant 
on the one hand and the banker on the other. 
Under the present system money is too scarce 
and wages too low ; interest too high and secur- 
ity too scarce ; the profit on goods too much, 
and uncollected accounts too numerous ; the 
credit system too great and the means of pay- 
ment too limited ; the value of farm land too 
low and interest-bearing mortgages too num- 
erous ; capital too rich and labor too poor ; all 
of which tends to oppress the masses, block 
the wheels of progress, multiply crime, com- 
promise liberty, and render a more noble civ- 
ilization impossible ; a deplorable condition 
that the burdened, over-taxed farmer cries out 
against ; that the over-worked and under-paid 
mechanic cries out against ; that the wage- 
worker cries out against ; men, women, tramps 
and legilsated vagabondage cries out against; 
that if not speedily removed from our midst 
will soon breed greater discontent, and liken 
the civilization of America to the idleness, suf- 
fering, misery and degradation of the more des- 
potic nations of Europe. 



166 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC. 

And there remains but one method of es- 
cape, and that must come through an in- 
creased means of payment to the debtor class, 
which is oppressed labor; for the demoral- 
ized condition of all branches of American in- 
dustry is fast assuming the alarming features 
of anarchy. Then, if these financial and in- 
dustrial embarrassments are not removed by 
some such method as herein proposed, what 
may we not expect in the near future ? The 
landlord of to-day must become the tenant of 
to-morrow ; the mechanic and wage-worker, 
the beggar; as the transfer of ownership must 
swiftly follow under the present very bad 
banking and monetary system. Humble the 
pride of such an industry and all other branches 
of labor will quickly follow in that awful wake, 
that has never failed to endanger society, and 
add to vice and crime. 

This brings us to the mail, postal-telegraph 
and telephone systems, that, of right, belong 
to federal instead of individual or corporate 
control, and which forms a part of this chapter. 
The government having the same right to leg- 
islate on the use of the telegraph and tele- 
phone that it has upon all questions and sys- 
tems affecting the general welfare of the people, 
of course, brings the subject of the postal-tele- 
graph and telephone under review; the tele- 
graph and telephone being patentable discov- 



OUR NEXT REPUBLIC V\~ 

eries, each subject to become public property by- 
act of statutory limitation, so far as the discov- 
ery is concerned. But, rather than put the gov- 
ernment to the expense of erecting new lines 
and subjecting the present owners to so great 
a loss, it would be far better for all concerned 
that the government purchase the lines already 
constructed by the various corporations, at 
actual cost of construction, since the present 
owners would be only too anxious to sell when 
brought into competition with the federal gov- 
ernment, that would operate said or competing 
lines at cost of operation, on the same plan of 
conducting our present mail system, that fur- 
nishes so many lucrative places for a large 
number of deserving men and women. The 
location of post-offices in every community, 
commercial center and city ward, in conjunc- 
tion with banking, the telegraph and telephone, 
would so facilitate every branch of business 
dependent upon the agencies of transmission 
and distribution, that trade would no longer 
languish or commerce fall a prey to lockouts, 
strikes or mob violence. By such a system, 
the people of each locality would be alike ben- 
efited and reap alike reward. Favored by 
loans of money, with or without interest, the 
uniformity of which, in connection with safe 
deposit, convenient exchange, transmission of 
intelligence by the mail, the telegraph and 



168 OUR NEXT REPUBLIC, 

telephone, would so revolutionize trade and 
commerce and excite the genius of discovery, 
that improvements, art, science and literature, 
wealth universal, before unknown and un- 
heard-of, quickened by the stimulated touch 
of ambition, would spring into existence to 
bless those who are now the slaves of misfor- 
tune, made possible through the corrupt con- 
trol of these otherwise great human benefac- 
tors, not safely entrusted to any power less 
just or general than federal government. 




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